my3R048D

1https://books.google.com/books?id=KWhPAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA735&lpg=PA735
2	W. T. Stead
3
4	...One of the foremost, if not the foremost, of the Jingo journalists in London, flung it in my face the other day that he had taken his imperialism from my teaching in the "Pall Mall Gazette," and, he added, he considered that Mr. Seeley, but his book on "The Expansion of England," and myself in "Pall Mall Gazette" and "Review of Reviews," were the two persons who, more than any other men, had created modern Imperialism. When many of those who now vaunt themselves as Imperialists of the genuine brand were in the petticoats of infancy, I was labouring in the attempt to lay broad and deep the foundation of the Imperialistic faith.
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7http://spartacus-educational.com/Jstead.htm
8	...Stead left the Pall Mall Gazette in January, 1890, and established the Review of Reviews. As his biographer, Joseph O. Baylen, pointed out: "Established in a brief partnership with George Newnes, which was soon to be superseded by a loan from the Salvation Army and a subvention from Cecil Rhodes, the journal was a highly successful venture, with counterparts quickly instituted by Stead in the United States (1891) and Australia (1892).
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11https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/W._T._Stead
12	He was an early imperialist dreamer, whose influence on Cecil Rhodes in South Africa remained of primary importance; many politicians and statesmen, who on most subjects were completely at variance with his ideas, nevertheless owed something to them. Rhodes made him his confidant, and was inspired in his will by his suggestions; and Stead was intended to be one of Rhodes's executors.
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14
15https://archive.org/stream/lastwillandtest00steagoog/lastwillandtest00steagoog_djvu.txt
16	The Last Will and Testament of Cecil John Rhodes
17
18	by Cecil Rhodes , William Thomas Stead
19
20
21	Finding that I sympathised with his ideas about English- 
22	speaking reunion and his Society — although I did not see eye 
23	to eye with him about the tariff war — Mr. Rhodes superseded 
24	the will, which he had made in 1888, on a sheet of notepaper, 
25	which left his fortune to " X.," by a formal will, in which the 
26	whole of his real and personal estate was left to " X." and to 
27	'* W. Stead, of the Review of Reviews." This will, the . 
28	fourth in order, was signed in March, 1891. 
29
30	...Since Mr. Rhodes's death I have had opportunities of making a close inquiry among those who have been most intimately associated with him from his college days until his death, with this result. I found that to none of them had Mr. Rhodes spoken as fully, as intimately, and as frequently as he talked to me concerning his aims and the purposes to which he wished his wealth to be devoted after his death. This is not very surprising, because from the year 1891 till the year 1899 I was designated by Mr. Rhodes in the wills which preceded that of 1899 as the person who was charged with the distribution of the whole of his fortune. From 189 1-3 I was one of two, from 1893 to 1899 o^^ ^^ three, to whom his money was left; but I was specifically appointed by him to direct the application of his property for the promotion of the ideas which we shared in common.
31
32	I first made the acquaintance of Mr. Rhodes in 1889. Although that was the first occasion on which I met him, or was aware of the ideas which he entertained, he had already for some years been one of the most enthusiastic of my readers — indeed, ever since I succeeded to the direction of the Pall Mall Gazette (when Mr. Morley entered Parliament in the year 1883), and began the advocacy of what I called the Imperialism of responsibility as opposed to Jingoism, which has been the note of everything that I have said or written ever since.
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34	...Cecil Rhodes, brooding in intellectual solitude in the midst of the diamond diggers of Kimberley, welcomed with enthusiasm the Pall Mall Gazette. He found in it the crude ideas which he had embodied in his first will expressed from day to day with as great an enthusiasm as his own, and with a much closer application to the great movements which were moulding the contemporary history of the world.
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36	...Before we parted we had struck up a firm friendship which stood the strain even of the Raid and the War on his part and of " Shall I Slay my Brother Boer ? " and " Hell Let Loose " on mine. From that moment I felt I understood Rhodes. I, almost alone, had the key to the real Rhodes, and I felt that from that day it was my duty and my privilege to endeavour to the best of my ability to interpret him to the world. 
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38
39https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cecil_Rhodes
40	One of Rhodes's primary motivators in politics and business was his professed belief that the Anglo-Saxon race was, to quote his will, "the first race in the world".[3] Under the reasoning that "the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race",[3] he advocated vigorous settler colonialism and ultimately a reformation of the British Empire so that each component would be self-governing and represented in a single parliament in London. Ambitions such as these, juxtaposed with his policies regarding indigenous Africans in the Cape Colony—describing the country's black population as largely "in a state of barbarism",[4] he advocated their governance as a "subject race",[4] and was at the centre of moves to marginalise them politically
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42	...Rhodes supported the infamous Jameson Raid, an attack on the Transvaal with the tacit approval of Secretary of State for the Colonies Joseph Chamberlain.[28] The raid was a catastrophic failure. It forced Cecil Rhodes to resign as Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, sent his oldest brother Col. Frank Rhodes to jail in Transvaal convicted of high treason and nearly sentenced to death, and contributed to the outbreak of the Second Boer War.
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44
45https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/W._T._Stead
46	However, at the time of the Second Boer War Stead threw himself into the Boer cause and attacked the government with characteristic violence, and consequently his name was removed from the will's executors.[23]
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48
49https://muse.jhu.edu/article/646781/summary
50	NOT LONG AFTER the beginning of the Boer War, W. T. Stead wrote two letters to his friend, Lady Aberdeen, in which he exposed his attempts to save Cecil Rhodes from disgrace, his anguish at having erred in judgment, and his attempt to atone for what he had wrought. It was with a strong sense of guilt for his role in bringing about the conflict that he confessed: My responsibility in South Africa is very great, and no one knows it more than myself.	
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52
53https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stop_the_War_Committee
54	The Stop the War Committee was an anti-war organisation that opposed the Second Boer War. It was formed by William Thomas Stead in 1899.[1] Its president was John Clifford[2] and prominent members included Lloyd George and Keir Hardie. The group was generally seen as pro-Boer.[3]
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56	Against the background of political campaigning for the khaki election of 1900, Stop-The-War distributed millions of posters, cartoons and broadsheets, handing out leaflets to commuters on trains.[3]
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58	Its resolutions were religiously-inspired and utopian in their approach. The Committee united various Nonconformists who held different views in relation to socialism. However, the high moral tone of its pronouncements failed to achieve support from the working class, and provoked stronger antagonism than the more rational approach of the South African Conciliation Committee.[4]
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62https://books.google.com/books?id=hOrnAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA174#v=onepage&q=Stead&f=false
63	Since the essence of the Stop-the-War Committee's appeal was a religious one, it was possible for a socialist nonconformist, such as Clifford, and nonconformists who were not socialists, such as W. T. Stead, to work together on the committee in support of the peace movement. Their resolutions were full of references to the anti-Christian policies of the government. The committee was utopian in vision, and precisely because of this high moral tone it failed to attract working-class support. The Stop-the-War Committee was less rational in its nature and methods than its allied body, the South African Concilation Committee (SACC), and therefore incurred a far greater hatred and provoked more opposition.
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66https://www.newspapers.com/image/33193935/
67	14 Sep 1901
68
69	Mr. W. T. Stead moved as an amendment that, The Hague Conference, having recommended four different methods of avoiding war--namely, mediation, international commission, special commission, and arbitration--the congress declared that any State which refuses to adopt any one of these when proffered by its opponent, lost its right to be regarded as a civilized Power, and was exommunicate of humanity, that while while war lasts no public religious service of any kind should be held that is not opened by a confession of bloodguiltiness on the part of that State, and closed by a solemn appeal on the part of the congregation to the Government to stop the war by the adoption of The Hague methods.
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71	Dr. Darby, referring to Mr. Stead's speech in support of the resolution, said that Mr. Stead had exploded, but he earnestly appealed to the congress not to explode but to keep calm and act with dignity.
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73	MR. Quidde (Munic) said it was preposterous to say that there was any strong Anglophobia existing in Germany, for Germans had always clung to English example. At the same time the German people recognized that the British Government had acted in a very reprehensible manner in refusing arbitration for settling the difficulty in South Africa.
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75	Mr. Stead explained that his resolution did not condemn the British Government. It laid down a general principle that could be applied to all Governments.
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77	The Chairman did not think the resolution would help the cause they had at heart. They should not damage their work by wild assertions.
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79	Mrs. Mead (Boston, U.S.A.) sympathized heartily with Mr. Stead's feeling because she recognized the bloodguiltiness of her own country. She proposed as an ammendment to Mr. Stead's resolution that, after the words "Proffered by its opponent," the resolution should continue "has forfeited one of the primary claims to be regarded as a civilized nation, and that every citizen who consents to such a position on the part of his Government shares in the guilt of the war which may ensue."
80
81	Mr. Stead accepted the alteration, and the resolution as amended was adopted.
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83
84https://books.google.com/books?id=hOrnAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA174#v=onepage&q=Stead&f=false
85	...The pro-Boers came in for criticism from both the Christian World and the British Weekly. During the mob violence which occured early in 1900, the anti-war element was accused of 'provoking the wrath of their fellow-citizens, and were ambitious of the honours of martyrdom. Posing as peacemakers, they are ... bellicose and provoking.' The Christian World was scathing in its attacks on the stop-the-War Committee in general and W. T. Stead in particular.
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87
88Stead was an ardent promoter of the imperialist cause. Through his writings and contacts with him he influenced Cecil Rhodes, who started the second Boer War. Steed took responsibility and took a leading role in the Stop-the-War Commission, but his efforts were counter-productive there.
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90
91------
92
93https://books.google.com/books?id=XeokAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA746&lpg=PA746&
94	HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
95	Friday, 25th October, 1901.
96
97	...Mr. FISHER (Wellington City).--As one of the strongest objectors to the payment of this £260 to the Review of Reviews, I wish to make a few remarks in order to make clear the position so far as I am concerned. The object to the payment of £260 to the Review of Reviews was not that it gave too great prominence to Mr. Seddon, the Premier of this colony. My objection to the payment of £260 to Mr. Stead, or of any other sum to Mr. Stead, was that he was a man strongly suspected to have been suborned to write in the Boer interest, and he was condemned by a vast majority of the people of England accordingly. I stated flatly and plainly that secret-service money--the moneys of the Boers--had been circulated extensively in America and England, in order to influence journals of a type who were open to influence of that kind; and I put it as a hypothetical case that it was not impossible that Boer secret-service money had been circulated in Australasia in the same way. ...I objected to the payment of the £260 on the ground that while this colony of New Zealand was proud of the position it had taken up in reference to the South African War, it was not proud of the payment of £260 to a man who was an undoubted ally of the Boers and an enemy of the British Empire, that man being Mr. W. T. Stead. He is the largest owner of this Review of Reviews, and we have no right to pay the money of the colony to an enemy of this colony, and of the British Empire as a whole.
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100https://books.google.com/books?id=n-gkAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA707&lpg=PA707
101	Sept. 25
102
103	...Mr. HUTCHESON (Weillington City) moved, That the item, "Copies of Review of Reviews for Australasia for January, 1901, £2260," be struck out.
104
105	Mr. MONK (Waitemata) said he noticed in a journal the Rev. Mr. Berry had made the statement that he had arranged with the New Zealand Government to deliver twelve lectures. He would like to know what remuneration he was receiving for that service.
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107	Sir J. G. WARD said he understood he got £100.
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109	Mr. MONK said that Premier had previously informed him, in reply to a question, that no arrangement had been made with Mr. Berry.
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111	Mr. PIRANI (Palmerston) asked for an explanation of the item referred to by the honourable member for Wellington City (Mr. Hutcheason).
112
113	Sir J. G. WARD said ten thousand copies had been obtained; five thousand were sent to the Agent-General for distribution at Home, and five thousand were distributed through America, India, and the Australasian Colonies.
114
115	Mr. PIRANI thought it was going too far to spend £260 to circulate copies of this production. If the House had been consulted as to circulating ten thousand copies of this publication broadcast he felt sure it would not have consented. The point he wished to make was this: he did not think an expenditure of this sort ought to be made by the Government without the authority of Parliament, and that Parliament should be afterwards asked to whitewash those who authorised the expenditure. ...If the Government wanted to spend money in circulating literature of this kind, they could get more useful literature to advertise the colony than ten thousand copies of a production like this issue of the Review of Reviews. If the Premier wished to advertise himself and his personal appearance, why did he not pay for the cost out of his own pocket? Why should the ratepayers have to pay £260 for circulating a periodical of the kind, considering the small benefit that must attach to the colony from it?
116
117	Mr. SEDDON (Premier) thought it was only fair to the Government that, before members condemned their action, they should have the fullest information on the matter. When that explanation was given he was sure that members would not complain of the course the Government had taken. The matter was introduced in this way: The Queensland Government arranged for an article, and certain illustrations were to be inserted in the Review of Reviews of their colony, at a cost, for ten thousand copies, of something like 6d. a copy, and, in a communication the New Zealand Government received from the proprietor of the magazine, it was intimated that the Rev. Mr. Berry was to write an article on New Zealand on lines similar to what had been written on Queensland. ...The colony had received good value through what the Government had done; and, after the sanctioning of the article, the only question was whether the Government should hide the amount in "Unauthorised," as they could have done, or whether it should be brought before the House openly. Of course, to bring it before the House was the proper and constitutional way, and that was the way the Government had adopted.
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119	...Mr. MASSEY said that, instead of being worth £260 as an advertisement, the article was not worth 260 pence.
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121
122https://archive.org/stream/TheReviewOfReviewsV23/TheReviewOfReviewsV23_djvu.txt
123	The Review of reviews
124	William Thomas Stead
125
126	...An earthly paradise — a delightful climate ; superb scenery ; a socialised state ; a people without caste or poverty or excessive individual riches, well-born, well-bred, healthy and stalwart, self-reliant and generous — such is the picture given of New Zealand in the Australasian Review of Reviews by the Rev. Joseph Berry. This is his mingling of fact and forecast : — 
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128	The factors which will tell upon the coming New Zealander are such as these : A healthy climate, with the lowest death rate in the world. A population mainly agricultural. Two-thirds of the people now live in the country, or in towns of less than 5,000 inhabitants. The whole population lives and will continue to live within sight or sound of the sea. There is not an inhabitant of the colony more than a day*s journey (seventy miles) from the sea, and nearly all are within an hour or two. The land is so rich and productive, and food is so plentiful and cheap, that poverty will be at a minimum. Again, the land is so subdivided that there is not much chance for the millionaire. New Zealand has no millionaires, and not more than ten or a dozen of its citizens are worth more than £10,000 per year. Timber is so abundant and cheap that a house does not cost more than half as much as a similar house in Australia, for most of the houses are of wood. Horses are plentiful, noble rivers abound. The people are pretty generally on one social level. The scenery is superb. Such are the facts, briefly put. 
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130	The result is a race of big, healthy people. Hospitality is a charming feature of New Zealand life. . . Caste barriers are little known. Under such conditions, people become healthy, self-reliant, generous, independent, and self-respecting. Such are the prominent characteristics of the New Zealanders of today. . . New Zealand has always been generous in the matter of education. She endows her secondary schools with a liberality unknown in Australia. . . There is a newspaper of some kind for every 1500 adults. . . . The English spoken there is purer than in Sydnev or in Adelaide . 
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132	I have visited four out of the five continents of the earth ; I have crossed the United States twice ; Canada once ; but I have seen no land which combines so many advantages as this. 
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135https://books.google.com/books?id=n-gkAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA707&lpg=PA707
136	...Mr. FISCHER said that what he objected to in this matter was that the money had been paid to a traitor of the Empire. Dr. Fitchett was not a traitor, but Mr. Stead was, and the money went to the business firm of Stead (Limited). The Boers had voted £50,000 of their secret-service money for the purchase of English newspapers, and it was beyond doubt that Mr. Stead had received his share of that money, and now this colony was giving him £260 more.
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138	Mr. SEDDON.--It has nothing to do with Mr. Stead.
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140	Mr. FISCHER asked if Mr. Stead was not the owner, or part owner, of the magazine.
141
142	Mr. MASSEY said that the Premier had stated he made the arrangement with Mr. Stead.
143
144	Mr. SEDDON had said nothing of the kind. He had no communication whatever from or with Mr. Stead. Mr. Stead had no connection with the Australasian Review of Reviews whatever. Mr. Fitchett had stated that Mr. Stead was not the editor of the Australasian Review of Reviews, and it was absolutely distinct from that published in England.
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146	Mr. FISHER said that the two editions of the magazine were run separately, but their business interests were the same. As to the article on New Zealand which appeared in the January number of the magazine, there was nothing in it that was original and had not appeared before in our own publications. If this article was so valuable as was represented by the apssing of this vote, what became of the statement that the Agent-General was so able an exponent of everything that affected the interests of New Zealand? If it were not for the fact that this moeny had been paid he would vote against it as strongly as he had spoken against it.
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148	Mr. SEDDON (Premier) said that months ago he was given to understand, and he still believed, that Mr. Stead was not the owner of this paper. When the Government were asked to insert the article that appeared in the Australiasian Review of Reviews in the Review of Reviews at Home the Government did not see their way to do so.
149
150	Mr. G. W. RUSSELL (Riccarton) held in his hand a copy of the issue of the paper for which the House was asked to vote £260. On one of the pages appeared the words, "Review of Reviews for Australasia: English editor, W. T. Stead; Australiasian editor, W. H. Fitchett."
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152	Mr. SEDDON said that did not prove anything beyond what the world knew, namely, that Mr. Stead was the editor of the English Review of Reviews.
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154	Mr. G. W. RUSSELL asked what more the honourable gentleman wanted than that this man Stead was the English editor of the Australasian paper Review of Reviews. He would also find page by page and letter by letter the reprints from the English issue of that magazine, and to say that Stead was not interested in this magazine was childish on the part of the Premier. When the Boer war started they were obliged to form themselves into a company for the purpose of trying to disassociate themselves from the ignominy and contempt attached to the name of W. T. Stead for his connection with the pro-Boer party at Home. With regard to the Rev. Mr. Berry, who wrote this article, he had been away from the country for some eleven or twelve years, and the consequence was that he had had to obtain everything for his article from books or information sent to him. There were hundreds of men who could have written a better article than Mr. Berry. The Government had not been wise in incurring this liability to pay the concern £260, when they might, be looking at the entry before the contract was entered into, have seen the name of Stead, and have said, as hundreds upon hundreds of other clients had done, that while that man was connected with this periodical they would have nothing to do with it.
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156
157Laurenson statement on pg 711 also interesting
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159why were they overpaying for crummy advertisements in Stead's papers?
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163
164https://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/union-south-africa-movement-towards-republic
165	South Africa only became a Republic on the 31st May 1961, but the formation of a Republic had been the dream of many Afrikaners since the nineteenth century, and was not something that was thought about only after National Party (NP) victory in 1948. In the 1830s when some Afrikaners left the Cape on the Great Trek, their ideal was to create an Afrikaner republic. After facing much opposition from the British, this was at last achieved in both the Zuid Afrikaanse Republic (ZAR) and the Orange Free State (OFS). This however was short-lived, and by 1902 at the end of the Anglo-Boer or South African War, the Afrikaners had once again lost their republics and were again brought under British rule. From this time, until the formation of the Republic of South Africa in 1961, the forming of a republic was an issue in the minds of many Afrikaners.
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167
168https://www.britannica.com/place/South-African-Republic
169	The SAR was annexed by Britain in 1877 as the Crown Colony of the Transvaal in an abortive attempt to federate the white colonies of Southern Africa after the discovery of gold and diamonds in the region, but it resumed its independence in 1881 after a Boer rebellion led to the defeat of the British at the Battle of Majuba Hill (known as the First Boer War). In the aftermath of the discovery of large gold deposits on the Witwatersrand in 1886, the Boer republic again attracted the interest of the British, who, under a series of pretexts, attempted military conquest with the unsuccessful Jameson Raid (December 1895) and provoked the South African War (1899–1902; also known as the Second Boer War). After the British prevailed in 1900, the SAR was redesignated the Crown Colony of the Transvaal. In 1910 it was absorbed into the Union of South Africa as one of four white-dominated provinces.
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171
172https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Boer_War
173	Jameson Raid
174
175	...The botched raid resulted in repercussions throughout southern Africa and in Europe. In Rhodesia, the departure of so many policemen enabled the Matabele and Mashona peoples to rise up against the Chartered Company, and the rebellion, known as the Second Matabele War, was suppressed only at great cost.
176
177	A few days after the raid, the German Kaiser sent the Kruger telegram congratulating President Kruger and the government of the South African Republic on their success. When the text of this telegram was disclosed in the British press, it generated a storm of anti-German feeling. In the baggage of the raiding column, to the great embarrassment of Britain, the Boers found telegrams from Cecil Rhodes and the other plotters in Johannesburg. Joseph Chamberlain, the British Colonial Secretary, quickly moved to condemn the raid, despite having approved Rhodes' plans to send armed assistance in the case of a Johannesburg uprising. Rhodes was severely censured at the Cape inquiry and the London parliamentary inquiry and forced to resign as Prime Minister of the Cape and as Chairman of the Chartered Company, for having sponsored the failed coup d'état.
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179
180Boer war ended up being tied to conflict with Germany and helped inflame Anglo-German tensions
181
182
183	The Boer government handed their prisoners over to the British for trial. Jameson was tried in England for leading the raid where the British press and London society inflamed by anti-Boer and anti-German feeling and in a frenzy of jingoism, lionised Jameson and treated him as a hero. Although sentenced to 15 months imprisonment (which he served in Holloway), Jameson was later rewarded by being named Prime Minister of the Cape Colony (1904–08) and ultimately anointed as one of the founders of the Union of South Africa. For conspiring with Jameson, the uitlander members of the Reform Committee (Transvaal) were tried in the Transvaal courts and found guilty of high treason. The four leaders were sentenced to death by hanging but this sentence was next day commuted to 15 years' imprisonment. In June 1896, the other members of the Committee were released on payment of £2,000 each in fines, all of which were paid by Cecil Rhodes. One Reform Committee member, Frederick Gray, had committed suicide while in Pretoria gaol, on 16 May, and his death was a factor in softening the Transvaal government's attitude to the remaining prisoners.
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185
186Boer gov released Jameson Raid conspirators after payment by Cecil Rhodes
187
188
189documentary on Boer war:
190
191https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JxeNhk1V-sg
192
193Rhodes started the Jameson raid, with secret approval from members of Britain's government. Jameson was an old friend of Rhodes.
194
195Many British had arrived previously, and the Boer government not giving them the right to vote was used as a pretext to start the war
196
197The Boer there themselves had previously fled Cape Colony when the British outlawed slavery. There were skirmishes between the Boer and the British leading up to the war.
198
199The Boer were wealthy from their mining, and leading up to the war they purchased arms. They purchased German rifles and French artillery.
200
201At the start of the war, the Boer beseiged many British towns. Waves of British soldiers would land in Africa and eventually rescue them. Both the British and the Boer thought the war would be over by Christmas. 
202
203In some towns many civilians starved. In one town many British soldiers had previously contracted disease; they took the town without a fight but the soldiers and much of the down was wiped out by disease. About 2/3rds of British casualties were by disease.
204
205The battle of Spion Kop was a disaster for the British. Their commanders decided not to use artillery on the Boer artillery. The battle could have been avoided if the British took a different route. At the start of the war, British commanders had very poor policy, such as failing to scout.
206
207The Siege of British Mafeking is much written about. In that siege (or another one?) the British mistreatment of blacks was documented. They weren't given any shelter from Boer artillery. The British at home celebrated when the siege was lifted.
208
209After initial defeats, the British started to gain the upper hand. In one instance, a Boer commander had his troops stay at a river while the British were in pursuit, and thousands (3000?) were captured. The Boer, who were outnumbered from the start, switched from pitched battles to guerrilla warfare (starting around 1901?).
210
211The Boer would sabotage trains, railways and bridges resupplying the British. Winston Churchill was a journalist on one of the derailed trains. He was captured by the Boer, but eventually escaped (how?).
212
213The British spent many resources guarding the trains. They built forts along the rail lines with barbed wire between. It was easy for Boer saboteurs to bypass this with some wire-cutters and the cover of night, but the forts reduced the instances of sabotage.
214
215As the war switched to guerrilla warfare, the British hunted the Boer with difficulty. The Boer general de Wet became notorious for being hard to catch and made many escapes that seemed impossible. The British press made a sort-of hero out of de Wet and lauded his ability to escape. Around this time, some of the British press became more sympathetic to the Boer.
216
217Around the same time, civilians increasing became victims of the war. Boer commandos would take food and shelter at Boer farms, and the British had a policy of burning Boer farms. One British commander was ordered to "lay waste" to the countryside, and when asked to clarify what "lay waste" meant he was told that included burning farms (what else?). Eventually, the British rounded up Boer civilians into concentration camps. About 10% of the Boer population died in the concentration camps.
218
219Much suffering happened in the concentration camps. Food was scarce and disease was rampant. Many children died in the camps and during that time most of the talk was of death, who would die next. Eventually, a particular person (Emily Hobhouse? and there was another woman too) visited the camps and documented their suffering there, which made its way to the British press.
220
221As the British hunted for Boer, some of them hid in caves. In one instance, a Boer family was hiding in a cave and one of them wanted a cup of coffee. Her family warned her not to light a fire as the British would see it, but she did anyway. The British found them in the cave and arrested them to take the to the camps, but they were rescued by Boer commandos.
222
223Both the British and the Boer continued burning farms. Eventually, the ranks of the Boer resistance dwindled. About 1/3rd (right number?) of the Boer switched sides to the British, and these became known to the Boer as the "joiners." Some of the joiners got special treatment at the camps, and there was great bitterness between the joiners and the rest of the Boer. The remaining Boer eventually became known as the "bitter-enders."
224
225Overall, the greatest victims of the war were the black population already there. At first, there was an idea among Boer and British leadership not to involve blacks in the war. Eventually, some of the blacks joined the British, and others sided with the Boer. The British armed many black africans and many were eager to fight the Boer. Even still, the Black Africans were mistreated by the British. In one instance, a British commander (who?) gave explicit orders to give supplies to White British in a town (I think this was siege of Mafeking?) but not the blacks living there.
226
227The black africans had different reasons for picking each side. Blacks who sided with the Boer were stigmitized. In one instance, a descendant of a black African who sided with the Boer said that with the Boer you know what you're getting, when he says he'll pay you he'll pay you, when he says he'll beat you he'll beat you, but the British are duplicitous. In another instance, a group of Boer visited a black African farm and read a harsh proclomation saying they must not side with the British Queen (more or less?). One of the people there said "don't say that about my queen" and hit the Boer captain over the head with a stick. The civilians killed about 30 Boer by rolling rocks down a hill on them as they left the farm, and the Boer came back and killed many civilians in an act of reprisal.  
228
229The Boer were virulently racist, and many had the idea of keeping the prior "social order" after the wars end. The Boer were afraid armed blacks would "learn a lesson" that they couldn't make them "unlearn." The Boer reacted brutally to blacks joining the British and thought a harsh crack-down would keep this "social order." They were said to have shot blacks "like dogs."
230
231In one instance, a Boer woman was able to leave a concentration camp to join the Boer fighters. In her diary, there could be found no mention of her killing British soldiers, but there could be found mention of her killing Black Africans.
232
233As with Boer farmers, many Black African farms were burned down. The British soldiers would rape Black African farmers. As with the Boer, black farmers were rounded up into British concentration camps, and there they suffered similarly to the Boer. The Boer concentration camps were well documented and known in the British press, and were eventually used for propaganda purposes by the Boer, but the black concentration camps were unheard of for a long time. Recent (1980s? 90s?) research has investigated grave sites of British concentration camps for Black Africans during the war. A descendant of one of the Boer fighters laments that if the black concentration camps had been known, knowledge of the common suffering of the Boer and black Africans at the hands of the British could have helped unite the black Africans and the Boer.
234
235Though the British demanded the Boer end slavery around the start of the war, when it came time to make a peace deal this issue was ignored entirely. One British leader (what was his name?) said explicitly that the interests of Black Africans should be ignored. There was nobody representing black Africans at the peace deal. The deal left the fate of black Africans up to the Boer, who continued to oppress the blacks. Black soldiers who helped the British had to turn in their arms. The black Africans fought for getting their land back from the Boers, but in the end they got back nothing, and the land that was there already had been burned to the ground.
236
237
238
239
240------
241
242
243https://web.archive.org/web/20080821192712/http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governence-projects/womens-struggle/anglo-war.htm
244
245this says 1/4 of the Boer population was put in the concentration camps, and documentary says 10% of the Boer population died there. This gives a 40% death rate in the camps... is that right?
246
247
248https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/British_concentration_camps#The_Fawcett_Commission
249
250this says about 1 in four in the camps died
251
252
253https://academic.oup.com/aje/article/179/4/413/128401
254
255this says about one in three in the camps died
256
257
258http://diginole.lib.fsu.edu/islandora/object/fsu:176437/datastream/PDF/view
259
260this says over half the Afrikaner population of Transvaal and Orange River Colony (I think?) were put in camps, and that 17% of the total Afrikaner population of these two republics died in the camps.
261
262
263------
264
265
266https://www.angloboerwar.com/forum/11-research/9532-farm-burning
267
268on British policy of farm burning
269
270what percentage of farms were burned? This lists 540 buildings destroyed June-December 1900
271
272
273https://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/black-concentration-camps-during-anglo-boer-war-2-1900-1902
274
275Lord Roberts said to be the one behind the scorched-earth and concentration camps policy
276
277after Roberts returned toward the end of the war, he was replaced by Lord Kitchener
278
279
280https://southafricatoday.net/south-africa-news/british-scorched-earth-policy-during-second-boer-war/
281
282this says "almost all" farms were burned, then ends with "let us we never forget" the "murders committed on whites"
283
284why is this first google result for "british scorched-earth policy boer war"? http://archive.is/k8U0y
285
286
287there wasn't any major famine after the war, I guess farms rebuilt? Boer, British could buy and import food
288
289
290------
291
292
293http://samilitaryhistory.org/vol063jc.html
294	The medical organisation of the British Army would have been effective, had it not been for a major difficulty which arose fairly early in the campaign in the form of typhoid fever. After the battle of Magersfontein, there was a long period during which troops were static at Modder River and, later, at Paardeberg. The situation in which vast numbers of troops were massed using a contaminated water supply, created ideal conditions for a massive outbreak of typhoid fever. The army was already stricken with this disease when it had to march on to Kimberley and Bloemfontein in LordRoberts' flanking movement away from the Orange River and the Kimberley railway line.(6) 
295
296
297http://www.boer-war.com/Details2nd/Hospitals.html
298	The enteric fever (now known as typhoid) at Bloemfontein cost the British Army more lives then the two severest battles of the war. Bloemfontein was occupied by Lord Roberts without opposition, but disease germs were deadlier than bullets. As many as fifty men died in one day. One hospital with 500 beds had 1,700 sick; another had 370. Some 6,000 soldiers came down with this severe and protracted fever. Sixty orderlies serving as nurses contracted the disease from the patients. in another hospital half the attendents came down with the fever. More than 1,000 soldiers' graves were added to the cemetery at Bloemfontein. It was all due to polluted water. The Boers had seized the water works supplying Bloemfontein. The troops were supplied from wayside pools or any other source. The precaution of boiling was omitted and the greatest army England ever put in the field had to halt till the bacilli were conquered.
299
300
301typhoid known as "enteric fever" then
302
303Troops stayed at Modder river for awhile, there said to have skipped boiling water (why?)
304
305
306https://books.google.com/books?id=HdA-AQAAMAAJ&pg=PA895&lpg=PA89
307
308British army had mandatory vaccinations after 1911, voluntary before Boer War. Found that vaccinations were effective--"In the campaign of the Modder River, 2.3 per cent. of the typhoid cases that occured were among the unvacinated, while 1 per cent. were among the vaccinated."
309
310	The record of one regiment, the 17th Lancers, which is worthy of notice, shows that of a strenght of 593 men, 150 were vaccinated once; 127 were vaccinated twice, and 316 refused vaccination. Of these, two cases of typhoid occurred among those vaccinated once; no cases in those vacinated twice, and 59 cases, a morbidiy of 18.67 per cent., occured in the unvaccinated.
311
312
313Why did more than half refuse vaccination?
314
315don't think they were at Modder River
316
317
318https://books.google.com/books?id=Jw_PAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA28&lpg=PA28
319	By George Granville Bantock
320
321	1902
322
323	...But my principal object is the destruction of the germ theory, and I am not bound to provide a substitute.
324
325	The war in South Africa affords ample confirmation of the above
326
327	...It is now a matter of history that typhoid fever attacked our troops long ere they reached the Modder River. It has not been shown that this disease was at all prevalent in the ranks of the Boers, although their sanitary arrangements were of the most primitive kind. But it can safely be assumed that there was no possiblity of contaminating a large body of water such as that of the Modder River by excreta of typhoid pations. So impressed, however, were the authorities with the importance of not drinking the water of that river that the strictest orders were issued against it, and I have it from an eye-witness that one of hie rank and file, suffering from raging thirst, who dipped his helmet in the water and rank of it, was severely punished.
328
329	...Nor has it been shown (or even attempted to be) that the troops that were up-stream during the investment at Paardeberg suffered any less than those who were down stream and therefore exposed to the evil effects of pollute water--polluted not by the excreta of typhoid patients but by decomposing animal matter. How far the latter might be held to account for those cases which, according to several observers, were not typhoid at all, is a matter for consideration. I have not seen this aspect of the question alluded to in any of the numerous reprots that have been published.
330
331	The same considerations apply to the case of Ladysmith, only with more force. In this instance there was very little, if any, possibility of comtamination of the Klip River before its waters reached the town. There is no evidence that the Boers suffered to any apprecialbe, or at least unusual, extent from typoid fever. Yet they must have drank freely of the stream, of which there was every opportunity of infection, esepcially when engaged in the constructino of a dam for the flooding of the town above.
332
333	...I attach a great deal more importance to the food supply, both as to quantity and quality, and the avoidance of over-fatigue. And if our Army surgeons would apply themselves to overcoming these two important matters, instead of busying themselves in devising impracticable schemes for supplying an army of 40,000 men on the march with boiled water, they may be able to confer inestimable benefit on our brave and long-suffering soldiers.
334
335	...Since the above was written I am glad to be able to add to the oral testimony of Dr. Macaulay on this point, the view of Mr. Wentworth Tyndale, L.R.C.P., &c., in a paper published in the British Medical Journal, February 15, 1902, entitled "So-called 'Remittent,' or "Pretoria' Fever."
336
337	...Ocassionally it happens that though the disease aborts, their powers of resistance again give out, probably owing to their *being debilitated* by a prolonged light diet, and the men relapse with typical enteric fever."
338
339
340Bantock and the people he quotes sound sketchy
341
342he says British commanders at Modder river had a policy of not drinking from the river, "several observers" say it wasn't typhoid, the Boer didn't suffer from typhoid if they drank from Klip River (without boiling?).
343
344
345https://books.google.com/books?id=JT8eAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA296&lpg=PA296
346	THE HOSPITAL SCANDALS IN SOUTH AFRICA
347
348	...But on July 9th, the Daily News published a letter from its correspondent, dated "Natal, June 16th," in which he says:
349
350		As regards entric fever, there have been no favourable circumstances to mitigate the severity of this fell disease. On the contrary, it has been more than ever virulent. Camps have been infested with the disease. Ladysmith and the district simply reeked with enteric germs, and the number of men attacked was alarming, and in the highest degree depressing. From the point of view of economy of human life, it would have been infinitely better of General Buller had taken the Biggarsberg range at enormous loss of life instead of sweltering in that Ladysmith fever-bed all those weeks after the relief of the town. Many of the troops who were there during the siege remained there long after the relief, when common sense dictated an immediate change. It is all very well to say that the first consideration must be military expediency, but there certainly ought to be more consideration given to the health of the troops. The upper land of Natal, where all the troops have been, is assuredly amongst the healthiest country in the world; there is no natural malaria, and no specific disease that is not brought on by imperfect human causes, and sure the fact that there are 6,000* cases of enteric, or anything approaching such numbers, is sufficient to warrant a searching enquiry.
351
352	In another part of his letter he says:--
353
354		Is this disease to spread like wildfire over the camps, and no attempts made to check it? On the face of it there appears to have been scandalous mismanagement.
355
356
357	Later on he says:--
358
359		It is not surprising that there is a certain amount of jealousy between the Army and civilian doctors, but there is much that is said by the latter which is obviously true. They (the civilians) object very strongly, for instance, to interference by commanding officers, who insist upon certain positions being taken up by hospitals whether they are suitable from a medical point of view or not. They are dissatisfied with the very limited selection of drugs allowed by the Army Medical Department. Many of these medical men have assured me that it is impossible to treat patients to advantage when the more modern drugs are not included in the medical stores.
360
361
362	...Let us now consider how far the want of preparation was or was not excusable under the circumstances which brought about the outbreaks at Bloemfontein. When the troops entered that place it was a matter of scientific certainty that within a few weeks there would be an outburst of enteric fever. The conditions which generated the fever were these. When Cronje's camp was surrounded at Paardeberg, a portion of the British troops had, during the week of investment, to drink the water from the Modder River, fouled by the refuse of the Boer laager, and the dead bodies of men and animals thrown into the stream. The water of the river below the laager was thick with mud and foul smelling from dead animals and refuse, and unfiltered and unboiled would be certain to cause an outbreak of fever. Filters were not numerous, we may assume, and the muddy water soon choked up those that were available, while boiling was often impossible on account of the small number of kettles carried on the march, and the scarcity of fuel. Some water was brought from a farm five miles away, but many of the soldiers of necessity drank from the river. The water above the Boer camp was good, and no doubt the men there were less exposed to danger of infection. After drinking water poisoned, as the Modder water undoubtedly was, the fever would take some 14 to 21 days to incubate and develop. It was therefore a matter of the highest probability that three or four weeks after the surrender of Cronje would witness an outbreak of typhoid or enteric fever. ...almost exactly three weeks after the Paardberg surrender, 88 cases of typhoid were admitted, in the following week 160 cases, on the 6th April 166, and on the 13th April 377. Here were the effects of the Modder River water produced with the punctuality of a natural law. These effects could have been foretold (Mr. Wyndham in the House of Commons said "were foretold*), and yet during those weeks no sufficient provision had been made for the reception of the patients.
363
364	...there was a second and greater outbreak of typhoid at Bloemfontein. On April 3rd the waterworks were captured, and the supply of water was cut off by the enemy. This deplorable incident threw the troops for their supply of water on the wells, the rain-water tanks of the town, and other sources in the district. But Bloemfontein is a town in which typhoid is always rife, and the local insanitary conditions which are the cause of this must have been enormously aggravated by the advent of a large army with much typhoid among its men. The surface soil was bound to be fouled, and that too with the specific germ of the disease, which would in a few days find its way into local sources of water supply. The first rains would sweep the poison wholesale into surface wells, and in dry weather the dust would carry the poison about to contaminate water tanks and food, and to find an entry by the air breathed into the systems of the victims. Moreover the flies so abundant in the tents and camps would, as seems to have been the case in the fever epidemic among the American soldiers in the Spanish War, act as busy carriers of infection.
365
366
367The polices of British commanders helped the fever spread and some of the soldiers thought it was strange. The British army didn't bring enough kettles to boil water, didn't vaccinate all their soldiers, then stopped at a river where they drank and got infected with typhoid. Afterwards their officers didn't do anything to check out, didn't allow certain medicines, interferred with the civilian doctors.
368
369Does this add up?
370
371
372Typically one doesn't get sick drinking river water: https://www.quora.com/Did-all-of-Europe-during-the-Middle-Ages-really-not-realize-that-boiling-water-made-it-safe-Did-an-entire-continent-for-hundreds-of-years-really-not-realize-that-they-could-have-just-boiled-the-water-and-drank-it http://zythophile.co.uk/2014/03/04/was-water-really-regarded-as-dangerous-to-drink-in-the-middle-ages/, stories of entire armies drinking river water in medieval times, etc.
373
374so there would have to have been something special about Modder River, said to be rotting animals, or diseased excrement, or "refuse of the Boer lagger". There would have to be something special with the well-water in Bloemfontein too if the author of "hopstial scandals" is to be believed.
375
376Why would they got only typhoid, not other diseases? drinking contaminated water commonly associated with diarrhea (is a symptom of typhoid).
377
378waterborne typhoid outbreaks happen otherwise: https://www.amjmed.com/article/0002-9343(75)90255-7/pdf abstract doesn't say what they were drinking from
379
380here I guess got in a suburban water supply: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0002962915365058
381
382this is on typhoid decreasing in U.S. 1900-1928: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41227962?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents 
383
384
385https://news.yale.edu/2012/11/15/yale-researchers-discover-why-typhoid-fever-pathogen-targets-only-humans
386
387http://www.waterwise.co.za/site/water/diseases/waterborne.html
388	Interesting facts
389
390    The typhoid bacillus only lives in humans, and apparently healthy carriers are usually the source of new outbreaks.
391
392
393so how do outbreaks happen at all? would have to be a gang of typhoid Boers shitting in the water
394
395
396https://www.facebook.com/notes/cimas-medical-aid/typhoid-can-be-life-threatening/1310750655629614/
397	Salmonella typhi lives only in humans. Those infected with it carry the bacteria in their bloodstream and intestinal tract. A small number of people who recover from typhoid fever continue to carry the bacteria. Both those who are ill with typhoid fever and those who have recovered but remain carriers shed the bacteria in their stool.
398
399	A person may become infected by eating food handled by an infected person or washed with water that has become contaminated or by drinking contaminated water. The most common way in which water becomes contaminated is through the seepage into it of sewage containing the bacteria.
400
401	In rural areas, if a person with typhoid uses the bush as a toilet, rain may wash the infected faeces away. The now infected water may seep into underground water which may later be drawn from a well or borehole.
402
403	...The typhoidbacteria thrives well in water or dried sewage and can survive for long periods of time. 
404
405
406https://iaspub.epa.gov/tdb/pages/contaminant/contaminantOverview.do?contaminantId=10460
407	Contaminated water and food are the common sources of typhoid fever in endemic areas [965, 953]. Patients with typhoid fever (either acute or chronic) excrete large numbers of organisms and serve as the principal transmission sources. [965]
408
409	Although S. typhi is strictly adapted to humans, it can survive in the environment. It may survive in water or ice for many weeks [963]; some studies suggest that S. typhi can survive for days to a few weeks in groundwater, pond water, or seawater [967, 968]. Survival in sewage is usually less than a week [963]. 
410
411
412there would have had to have been a fresh supply of typhoid within a week of the soldier's arrival at Modder River, so infection by the river seems less likely. It is unusual the outbreak occurred and that the British officers didn't do anything to contain it.
413
414
415------
416
417
418
419...
420
421
422http://diginole.lib.fsu.edu/islandora/object/fsu:176437/datastream/PDF/view
423	...While polluted drinking water was realized as the source of enteric (typhoid) fever, British (and American) medical officers correctly concluded the common fly was the primary carrier of typhoid in not only the South African War, but also the Spanish-American War, fought at almost the same time.  British correspondents in the South African War found typhoid patients with faces covered with flies, as the men were too weak to sweep them off.   Polluted water, latrines and horse feces were the primary breeding grounds of typhoid bacilli which was then spread by the flies into eating and sleeping areas.
424
425
426this author found that typhoid could breed in polluted water and horse feces, then the typhoid could be spread to humans by flies
427
428
429https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salmonella
430	Salmonella species are intracellular pathogens:[4] certain serotypes cause illness. Nontyphoidal serotypes can be transferred from animal-to-human and from human-to-human. They usually invade only the gastrointestinal tract and cause Salmonella food poisoning; symptoms resolve without antibiotics. However, in sub-Saharan Africa they can be invasive and cause paratyphoid fever, which requires immediate treatment with antibiotics. Typhoidal serotypes can only be transferred from human-to-human, and can cause Salmonella food poisoning, typhoid fever and paratyphoid fever.[5]
431
432
433enteric fever like typhoid can be cause by salmonella bacteria that don't live exclusively in humans, can be transfered from animal to human contact
434
435
436https://books.google.com/books?id=FCkXAQAAIAAJ&pg=PR15&lpg=PR15&
437
438https://books.google.com/books?id=v41GAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA437&lpg=PA437
439
440https://www.nzma.org.nz/journal/read-the-journal/all-issues/2010-2019/2010/vol-123-no-1323/100yrs
441
442
443apparently only some of the enteric fever cases in the Boer war were paratyphoid, and paratyphoid is milder
444
445I think it is meant that flies are a carrier in that the typhoid is sitting on them? like carried on fecal matter stuck to them
446
447https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fecal%E2%80%93oral_route
448	The common fecal-oral routes are fingers, flies, fields, fluids, and food. 
449
450	...The list below shows the main diseases that can be passed via the fecal–oral route. 
451
452	...Salmonella typhii (typhoid fever)[5]
453
454
455http://web.uconn.edu/mcbstaff/graf/Student%20presentations/Salmonellatyphi/Salmonellatyphi.html
456	Worldwide, typhoid fever affects roughly 17 million people annually, causing nearly 600,000 deaths. The causative agent, Salmonella enterica typhi (referred to as Salmonella typhi from now on), is an obligate parasite that has no known natural reservoir outside of humans. Little is known about the historical emergence of human S. typhi infections, however it is thought to have caused the deaths of many famous figures such as British author and poet Rudyard Kipling, the inventor of the airplane, Wilbur Wright, and the Greek Empire’s Alexander the Great. The earliest recorded epidemic occurred in Jamestown, VA where it is thought that 6,000 people died of typhoid fever in the early 17th Century. 
457
458	...The entry of this bacterial species into the human body is most commonly achieved by ingestion, with the importance of aerosol transmission unknown. Once ingested, the organisms multiply in the small intestine over the period of 1-3 weeks, breech the intestinal wall, and spread to other organ systems and tissues. The innate host defenses do little to prevent infection due to the inhibition of oxidative lysis and the ability to grow intracellularly after uptake.
459
460	Transmission of S. typhi has only been shown to occur by fecal-oral route, often from asymptomatic individuals. 2-5% of previously infected individuals become chronic carriers who show no signs of disease, but actively shed viable organisms capable of infecting others. A famous example is “Typhoid” Mary Mallon, who was a food handler responsible for infecting at least 78 people, killing 5. These highly infectious carriers pose a great risk to public health due to their lack of disease-related symptoms.
461
462	...The key to avoiding infection by S. typhi is prevention of fecal contamination in drinking water and food supplies. Since the only source of this agent is infected humans, it is possible to control transmission by proper hygiene, waste management, water purification, and treatment of the sick.
463
464
465sounds like author is wrong about typhoid breeding, "has no known natural reservoir outside of humans", known to be transmitted by ingestion
466
467so it would have to be like typhoid mary taking a dump in their rations or something
468
469
470http://diginole.lib.fsu.edu/islandora/object/fsu:176437/datastream/PDF/view
471	...General Wilson, in his report (1903) to the Director General, Army Medical Services, dealt with both the outbreaks of typhoid and the lack of sanitation.  When reading Wilsonís report, one should know that he was in charge of the medical services being investigated.  Commenting on the medical support of the British columns in Bloemfontein, his main point was that transportation was not available when Roberts first reached Bloemfontein due to the destruction of the rail lines by Boer commandos. He acknowledges that ì... For more than a month after the occupation the supplies of all kinds received fell short of the minimum considered necessary. ... But the extraordinary sick rate which developed during that month (April) surpassed anything that had been anticipated, led to very great pressure in the town hospitals ... with the consequent hardship and suffering to the sick.î345  He acknowledges other supplies received higher priority than medicines, and states that in future wars as supply lines are lengthened, the support of the army is questionable.       
472
473    Close examination of the evidence renders Wilsonís argument far from convincing.  A total of 9,298 truck-loads of supplies reached Bloemfontein between 29 March (when the railroad was repaired) and 3 May.  Only 118 of these, scarcely more than one percent, were allotted for hospital and medical equipment. Hospitals, with supplies and personnel, sat at the ports of debarkation, awaiting transport, while soldiers fell sick and died.  A few additional trucks could have carried water filtration equipment and hospital beds forward.  Insufficient provision was made for the sick and wounded at the front, resulting from decisions by senior leaders at the army headquarters.
474
475
476more "mismanagement" by army, General Wilson wrote that the Boer sabotaging supply lines was preventing medical supplies from being shipped, but ammo was shipped while medical supplies sat on the shorelines while soldiers died
477
478prognosis of typhoid is much better with treatment
479
480
481...
482
483
484https://books.google.com/books?id=jtgud2P-EGwC&pg=PA48&lpg=PA48
485
486https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1021&context=llcpub
487
488https://io9.gizmodo.com/could-you-drink-beer-instead-of-water-and-still-survive-457081579
489
490
491related: how did it come about that a rumor was started that people drank beer instead of water in medeival times because the water would make you sick? windsor article goes over appearance in some scholarly sources
492
493
494Gizmodo article on a telegraph article that claimed researchers found that beer rehydrates better than water after a workout when the researcher said the opposite:
495
496https://web.archive.org/web/20090814210607/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/science/science-news/3312579/Beer-after-sport-is-good-for-the-body.html
497	Beer after sport 'is good for the body'
498
499	By Nic Fleming, Science Correspondent
500
501
502...
503
504
505also related: why are epidemics so often written off as "first contact" immune weaknesses?
506
507
508https://academic.oup.com/aje/article/179/4/413/128401
509	Human genetic factors may have played some role in determining the clinical severity and lethality of measles infections described in this report because both the Rotuman and South African populations had limited intermarriage with outside groups, likely resulting in largely homogenous human leukocyte antigen phenotypes ( 27 ). This would not have been true in the US epidemic because the soldiers came from all types of genetic backgrounds. None of the groups described (Polynesian, Boer, American) are at increased risk of dying from measles in modern times. Such decreases in lethality within 2 reproductive generations cannot be explained by Darwinian evolution alone.
510
511
512https://books.google.com/books?id=TP1DAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA116&lpg=RA1-PA116&dq=Brandfort+camp+measles&source=bl&ots=_M9RojfLSq&sig=DK8QT8aUrrrVX_PJgJFiuZqbw_8&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjIifuUsP7aAhWBY98KHWNtApcQ6AEINDAD#v=onepage&q=immune&f=false
513	Immunity.
514
515	12. A very important factor in the production and propagation of disease is the susceptibility of the Afrikander Dutch to almost every infection. This is particularly noticeable with regard to measles. Europeans enjoy a certain immunity from measles acquired by the frequency of epidemics at home, and it seems as if the Dutch by their long sojourn in South Africa and the isolation of their dwellings had practically lost this immunity.
516
517
518It doesn't work for the Boer, but the British report on it tried to use that explanation anyway
519
520
521this study compared DNA of ancient and modern native Americans from the northwest coast of North America:
522
523https://www.nature.com/articles/ncomms13175
524	A major factor for the population decline of Native Americans after European contact has been attributed to infectious disease susceptibility. To investigate whether a pre-existing genetic component contributed to this phenomenon, here we analyse 50 exomes of a continuous population from the Northwest Coast of North America, dating from before and after European contact. We model the population collapse after European contact, inferring a 57% reduction in effective population size. We also identify signatures of positive selection on immune-related genes in the ancient but not the modern group, with the strongest signal deriving from the human leucocyte antigen (HLA) gene HLA-DQA1. The modern individuals show a marked frequency decrease in the same alleles, likely due to the environmental change associated with European colonization, whereby negative selection may have acted on the same gene after contact. The evident shift in selection pressures correlates to the regional European-borne epidemics of the 1800s.
525
526	...We also detect signatures of positive selection on immune-related genes in the ancient but not the modern individuals. The strongest selection signal in the ancients derives from the human leucocyte antigen (HLA) gene HLA-DQA1, with alleles that are close to fixation.
527
528
529They found positive selection (selecting in favor of a gene) for immune-related genes in ancient people. The strongest positive selection in ancient people was for certain alleles in HLA-DQA1, which "helps the immune system distinguish the body's own proteins from proteins made by foreign invaders such as viruses and bacteria." (https://ghr.nlm.nih.gov/gene/HLA-DQA1).
530
531Modern people did not have signs of positive selection in this gene. The same alleles that were selected for in ancient people showed a marked decrease in frequency in the modern people.
532
533	
534	...To model evolutionary forces acting on the HLA-DQA1 derived alleles after European contact, we chose the frequency of the allele showing the greatest change of 0.67. We utilized a simulation based approach, described in detail in the ‘Methods’ section, to evaluate models under positive selection, neutrality and negative selection. We also used the same approach to obtain estimates of the correlation between the time of environmental change (t) and the selection coefficient (s) (Supplementary Fig. 8). Figure 4c shows that neither a strict positive selection scheme, nor one involving positive selection followed by a shift to neutrality, could fit our data (none of the simulations reach the observed frequency in the modern population). However, the model with a shift from positive to negative selection was compatible, where 26% of the simulations either reach or surpass the observed frequency.
535
536
537from a model of what happened before and after European contact for the he allele with the greatest change, they found that positive or neutral selection could not explain the change, but negative selection could
538
539
540	...During the contact period, previous long-standing positive selection on the HLA-DQA1 gene may also have been significant. The HLA-DQ receptor has been associated with a variety of colonization era infectious disease, including measles42, tuberculosis43,44, and with the adaptive immune response to the vaccinia virus, which is an attenuated form of smallpox45,46. Further studies are needed to investigate if the ancient alleles putatively under positive selection may pose a differential disease outcome with respect to European-borne pathogens, as well as their effect on downstream target genes.
541
542
543it isn't known yet if the allele's in question are important in response to colonization era diseases, but the HLA-DQA1 gene is known to be important for these
544
545
546	However, when examining the population post-contact and into contemporary times, variants of the HLA-DQA1 gene experience a marked frequency change. This change presents a more complex scenario when taking into account all three time frames. First, scans for positive selection in the modern Tsimshian, with and without correcting for European admixture, revealed no statistically significant selection on immune-related genes (Supplementary Tables 5 and 6). The gene ontology enrichment analyses also did not suggest a correlation with immune function (Supplementary Table 7). Second, demography alone was unable to explain the large frequency change in the HLA-DQA1 alleles between the ancient and modern groups based on simulations (Fig. 4c). European admixture in the modern individuals also did not account for the frequency changes since the haplotypes in this region can be attributed to Native American ancestry (Supplementary Fig. 7). Furthermore, HLA-DQA1 remained a top PBS hit in scans involving both a European admixture correction (Supplementary Table 9) and with an additional scan involving unadmixed Native American individuals from a different modern population (suggesting a regional adaptive event) (Supplementary Table 8; ranked fourth best candidate, with the top three functionally uncharacterized).
547
548
549This study did not find any positive selection in immune-related genes in modern Tsimshian.  The frequency changes couldn't be explained with demographics or european admixture.
550
551
552	...However, on applying a model of negative selection at the time of contact, we found that simulated allele frequencies were compatible with the observed frequencies in the modern population (Fig. 4c). Although we were unable to precisely identify the selection coefficient necessary to drive the allele frequency change (since the likelihood surface is relatively flat, Supplementary Fig. 8), it is likely that relatively strong negative selection occurred. Such strength would be expected under a time frame of less than seven generations and correlates with the high mortality rates associated with the regional smallpox epidemics of the 1800s, which reached upwards of 70% (ref. 30).
553
554
555negative selection fits and correlates with the time of European contact
556
557
558	...The results presented here reveal an evolutionary history that spans thousands of years. The immune-related alleles that exhibit strong signals of positive selection in the ancient Native Americans from the Northwest Coast, likely correlate to an adaptation to pathogens that were present in the ancient environments of the region. Our results also suggest that the indigenous population may have experienced negative selection on the same immune-related genetic component after European contact and the ensuing population collapse. 
559
560
561The immune-system alleles were selected for over their time in the Americas, then selected against after the Europeans arrived and they were wiped out by disease
562
563
564maybe auto-immune problems?
565
566this study figured auto-immune problems were consistent with the Rotuma epidemic:
567
568https://academic.oup.com/aje/article/179/4/413/128401
569	In the absence of extant clinical material, we must speculate as to the mechanisms of extreme mortality rates during first-contact measles epidemics. These geographically isolated populations had not only avoided measles virus, they had also missed exposure to a wide variety of ordinary respiratory pathogens such as pneumococcus and rhinovirus ( 28 – 30 ). It is highly likely that their immune systems had relatively few T-cell clones from previous infections with a very limited number of human leukocyte antigen genotypes because of their very narrow genetic base. In isolated populations, the lack of immunological experience increased the chances of a pathogenic overreaction to any severe infection, as opposed to ordinary development of immunity. Even today, the balance between pathology and immunity during a systemic infection can be disrupted under circumstances not requiring geographical isolation ( 29 , 30 ). During first-contact epidemics, immunopathology was a more likely outcome than in measles-experienced populations.
570
571	Immunopathology may have been demonstrated by the unusual clinical presentations often seen during first-contact epidemics, such as hemorrhagic/black measles and severe gastroenteritis, which are suggestive of immune dysfunction. Severe gastrointestinal symptoms, such as subacute dysentery following measles, were especially described during Pacific epidemics ( 2 , 11 , 26 ). Because measles virus particularly infects the mucus-secreting intestinal cells, the massive cellular immune stress of measles may disorder the host ’ s tolerance of their own bacterial micro flora; such disruptions may enable invasion of the gut wall by normally tolerated bacteria with subsequent inflammatory reactions and chronic malabsorption.
572
573
574
575paper on positive selection in immune genes in Europeans and Roma associated with Black Death, which is said to have increased inflammatory response: http://www.sciencemag.org/news/2014/02/black-death-left-mark-human-genome
576
577some autoimmune disease reported to be higher among modern native Americans:
578
579https://www.lupus.org/research-news/entry/study-shows-american-indian-and-alaska-native-populations-have-a-high-risk
580
581https://medlineplus.gov/autoimmunediseases.html
582
583https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10406405
584
585
586Does seem like different populations susceptible to different diseases, maybe native americans and others colonized by europeans were susceptible to autoimmune disease. As of yet lack an explanation for why this happened and so many got wiped out by disease.
587
588
589------
590
591
592https://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/black-concentration-camps-during-anglo-boer-war-2-1900-1902
593	The average official death rate, caused by medical neglect, exposure, infectious diseases and malnutrition inside the camps was 350 per thousand per annum, peaking at 436 per thousand per annum in certain Free State camps. Eighty-one percent of the fatalities were children.	
594
595
596how did disease enter and spread in the concentration camps?
597
598Documentary says it was due in part to malnutrition, which makes people more susceptible to disease.
599
600Said to be in tents 3 or 4 families at once, close proximity would help disease spread
601
602
603https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Brandfort/
604	A black camp grew up alongside that of the Boers, reaching about 1 800 people by mid-April 1901; by August there were at least 4 000 inmates. In the early days, at least, black inmates received the same rations as the whites but the accommodation was much more haphazard, consisting of ‘rather poor’ tents, which some people covered with matting to make them more waterproof. No sanitation was provided and inmates had to ‘report’ to a wooded kloof a mile above the camp ‘for the purposes of nature’. In March 1901 there were still no paid officials. The camp was too far away for him to supervise properly, the superintendent complained, and he recommended that ‘Peter’ be appointed to oversee. Dr Last provided the black inmates with basic medical attention but there was no hospital accommodation for them; those needing hospital care were treated in the ambulance wagons. Fortunately there were few at this stage, the most serious being syphilitic and leprosy cases5 Clearly health in the camp was not good, however. 
605
606
607lack of medical attention and poor sanitation also contributed
608
609say syphilis, leprosy and measles: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1171343?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents
610
611	
612	... By the end of March 1901 numbers in the white camp were mounting and, as in other camps, people arrived without warning and tents were in short supply. Health declined and typhoid was prevalent. Hospital accommodation was inadequate and the wagons and tents were overcrowded. The new arrivals were often in a desperate state. Some had been in a Boer laager in the Hoopstad district for some months; the children were clad only in sheep skins and hides and they had been on very short rations - ‘the people almost without exception expressed their pleasure at having been taken away from the commandos’, the Chief Superintendent claimed. Pratt Yule was reluctant to send more people from infected camps like Bloemfontein but the authorities were unsympathetic. ‘Rot’, someone minuted in the margin of his report. Come they did – 3 000 arrived on 9 August 1901, in a bad state of health, with only 25 tents to accommodate them. Many of the new arrivals suffered from trachoma, an eye disease caused by flies and fairly common amongst the Dutch, the MO reported.8
613
614
615typhoid also present, and sending people from infected areas to camps probably also contributed
616
617	
618	... One source of disease, Dr Kendal Franks was convinced, was the insanitary condition of the nearby town of Brandfort, which he considered was primitive. Much of the drinking and cooking water came from open sluits [furrows]; excrement was emptied into cesspools close to the water wells; cattle roamed the town and slaughtering of cattle took place there as well. Measles and diphtheria broke out there before the camps. In an attempt to isolate the camp, the inmates were prevented from going into town but, since the military commandant continued to issue passes, some contact was inevitable. Worse still, the military authorities sent about a hundred people from the town to the camp. Diphtheria spread to the camp by the middle of August although, fortunately, it was the one disease for which there was an effective drug therapy, known as an anti-toxin, which was provided. Measles soon followed, a result, Jacobs was convinced, of the indifference of the military to the risk of infection.9
619
620
621Measles and diptheria broke out in a town close to one of the camps, but the commandant there "continued to issue passes," and sent about 100 people from the town to the camp. "Jacobs" was convinced the infection was the result of the indifference of the military (what were his reasons?)
622
623
624	In Brandfort camp the two graphs showing the number of people who died, and the death rate, which puts the deaths in proportion in relation to the number of people in the camp, show little difference. The primary cause of death in Brandfort camp was the very severe measles epidemic, which peaked in October 1901 and died away quite sharply after that. There is little indication of the summer typhoid epidemic which plagued a number of the camps, except amongst the adult women.
625
626
627In the Brandfort camp, the primary cause of death was measles, which peaked when the death rate and number of deaths peaked in October 1901. The death rate tapered off over the next 6 months to near zero. The vast majority of these deaths were children.
628
629
630https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/measles/symptoms-causes/syc-20374857
631	Also called rubeola, measles can be serious and even fatal for small children. While death rates have been falling worldwide as more children receive the measles vaccine, the disease still kills more than 100,000 people a year, most under the age of 5.
632
633	...Measles is a highly contagious illness caused by a virus that replicates in the nose and throat of an infected child or adult. Then, when someone with measles coughs, sneezes or talks, infected droplets spray into the air, where other people can inhale them.
634
635	The infected droplets may also land on a surface, where they remain active and contagious for several hours. You can contract the virus by putting your fingers in your mouth or nose or rubbing your eyes after touching the infected surface.
636
637	About 90 percent of susceptible people who are exposed to someone with the virus will be infected.
638
639
640Measles mostly affects young children and is highly contagious. It can spread by sneezing or coughing and survives on surfaces for a few hours.
641
642
643Being in close proximity to each other in the camp probably greatly contributed to the outbreak.
644
645
646https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Brandfort/
647	...Once the measles epidemic started, there was the problem of hospital accommodation for the sick. The more serious cases were much better off in hospital, the MO was convinced but it was some time before he received beds for the hospital.10 Brandfort was a camp with a particularly high mortality rate, peaking in October 1901 and coinciding with the diphtheria epidemic, brought in by a group of people ‘in very poor condition from continual trekking’. The measles epidemic spread so rapidly that attempts at isolation broke down and there were so many cases that the hospital could not house them all. Worse still, the disease was so severe that almost every case developed broncho-pneumonia ‘with very fatal results’. Kendal Franks’ observations in Brandfort camp give a classic description of the effects of severe measles:
648
649
650Brandfort camp had a particularly high mortality rate and almost every case was severe. They were better off in the hospital, but it was "some time" before the MO received beds for the hospital (why?). The hospital didn't have enough room for all those infected.
651
652
653https://books.google.com/books?id=FZEOAQAAIAAJ&pg=RA1-PA116&lpg=RA1-PA116
654	I have said enough above to show that the measles is particularly malignant in type, but I may add that the average type of measles case in the camps is exceedingly rarely seen at home, and that only at long intervals. The disease, as it occurs here, seems similar to what one has read as the type of disease which almost depopulated the Fiji islands, and of which one or two outbreaks, I think, occured after the Franco-German war (mortality 40 per cent. among adults).
655
656	...Many of these cases at first glance might easily be mistaken for typhus fever; there is the petehial rash, the intense depression, the furred, dry, toungue, the general bloated appearance, the injected eyes.
657
658	In the most common type of case, the measles sets in with a severe variety of the ordinary symptoms, the temperature falls with the outcome of the rash, and broncho-pneumonia speedily sets in, and kills the patient. Even another variety fairly common in the camps, is makred by the occurence of an intractable form of diarrhoea, which carries the patient off. Middle ear disease is very common after measles. Typhoid fever is another common sequel.
659
660	...Since measles has become so rampant in the camps a form of pneumonic fever has occured, which is exceedingly infections, and promises to carry off almost as many lives as measles has done in the past. I regret that so far I cannot offer any explanation of the pneumonia. It may possibly be due to the conjunction of the various factors of camp life, depression, inferior cubic space during sleeping hours, general insanitary practices arising from life in a camp, and the increasing pollution of the camp sites.
661
662	In a great number of cases I am certain pneumonia has arisen thus: when an epidemic of measles attacks a camp the number of patients greatly outruns the hospital capacity. It is impossible, under the present circumstances, to isolate these patients.
663
664	...These patients are attended by their own relatives; broncho pneumonia is the most common sequal of measles; the relatives and friends of the patients may possibly be immune to measles, but they are certainly not immune to the germ causing the broncho pneumonia of measles, and under the trying conditions of living in the same tent with possibly one to four measles cases, they speedily contract pneumonic fever, often with fatal results. The fact that these pneumonia epidemics have followed on the outburst of measles does not discountenance the above view. The type of pneumonia is very severe, and quickly, within one or two days, overcomes the vitality of the patient; the depression ensuing on the pneumonia is very great.
665
666
667Does this make sense? I don't think he's right that pneumonia follows measles with their relatives being immune to the measles but not the pnuemonia
668
669this says pneumonia causing pathogens can be present then cause pneumonia when immune system is weakened: http://www.lung.org/lung-health-and-diseases/lung-disease-lookup/pneumonia/what-causes-pneumonia.html
670
671measles pneumonia is a thing: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25619709
672
673he said he can't offer an explanation of the pneumonia, except that he observed that it followed the measles.
674
675
676https://academic.oup.com/aje/article/179/4/413/128401
677	Deaths reportedly due to measles or pneumonias were combined because they were not precisely differentiated by the medical staffs of the camps. 
678
679	...Most deaths of camp internees were due to bacterial pneumonias that complicated measles infections. During camp epidemics, measles infections severely compromised the lower respiratory tracts of those infected. In turn, respiratory bacterial strains that were cocirculating with measles were able to invade the lower respiratory tracts of measles-infected hosts if the hosts had no preexisting immunity against the respective bacterial strains.
680
681	...The Boer War camp epidemics affected a civilian population of mixed ages and both sexes that was forced off widely separated farms and into concentration camps during war time. During the courses of their measles illnesses, affected internees were likely exposed to numerous and diverse respiratory infectious agents. Most deaths during the measles epidemics at the camps were due to pneumonias/other respiratory complications, as is still true in modern African refugee camps ( 14 – 16 , 24 ).
682
683
684this concluded most of the deaths were due to pneumonia after their immune systems were weakened by measles. The camps had a problem with their records where pneumonia and measles would be counted the same.
685
686
687here's a report in "parlimentary papers" containing above: https://books.google.com/books?id=TP1DAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA116&lpg=RA1-PA116&dq=Brandfort+camp+measles&source=bl&ots=_M9RojfLSq&sig=DK8QT8aUrrrVX_PJgJFiuZqbw_8&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjIifuUsP7aAhWBY98KHWNtApcQ6AEINDAD#v=onepage&q=Brandfort%20camp%20measles&f=false
688
689they concluded the disease spread after brining a particular batch of infected people into the camp and it spread because they kept people so close together
690
691
692paper on the measles outbreak in Fiji, and other diseases. Similar to outbreak in Brandfort camp where the mortality rate was very high then tapered off. The researchers try to explain this phenomenon:
693
694https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5197612/
695	The depopulation of Pacific islands during the 16th to 19th centuries is a striking example of historical mass mortality due to infectious disease. Pacific Island populations have not been subject to such cataclysmic infectious disease mortality since. Here we explore the processes which could have given rise to this shift in infectious disease mortality patterns. 
696
697	...The exposure of indigenous Pacific Island populations to the pathogens brought by European explorers resulted in massive loss of life. What data are available (Fig. 1) suggest there were catastrophic early mortality events in which 20–70% of island populations died, but no subsequent events to match that level of infectious disease mortality.
698
699	...Including genetic effects did increase the sets of circumstances under which Pacific Island population-like patterns could be observed. It became possible to observe Pacific Island population-like patterns when the pathogen for which R0 = 15 had a very high mortality rate [Fig. 4(c, d, f)]. However, such scenarios required specific, already very high, starting frequencies of the allele that protected against the pathogen for which R0 = 15. A role for Darwinian evolution in the shift in mortalities observed across Pacific islands therefore requires that unknown selective pressures were maintaining the same high frequencies of protective alleles at specific loci on many disparate islands before any of the novel pathogens arrived. We cannot rule this scenario out, but it seems unlikely.
700
701
702actually it's not similar at all, they're talking about a timescale of decades... 
703
704does say how deadly measles has worked before, like whoever wrote that report said:
705
706	
707	...Measles. Measles could be diagnosed from its distinctive skin rash and is known to have caused major lethal epidemics when first introduced in Hawaii, Fiji, Tonga, Samoa and Rotuma [8, 15–18]. Mortality of up to a quarter of the entire population occurred across all ages including previously healthy young adults. Measles was particularly dangerous on isolated islands because a large proportion of the adult population were simultaneously ill leaving few to care for the sick [19]. Severe forms of measles particularly with sub-acute inflammatory gastrointestinal symptoms were common on Pacific islands [20]. Black or haemorrhagic measles was particularly lethal. Sequential measles epidemics occurred in Fiji with progressively smaller case-fatality rates [21]. High-lethality measles epidemics ceased once the most isolated Pacific islands were incorporated into the global system of air travel [22].
708
709
710
711how many deaths were due to typhoid in the camps?
712
713https://books.google.com/books?id=TP1DAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA116
714	...Many of these cases at first glance might easily be mistaken for typhus fever; there is the petehial rash, the intense depression, the furred, dry, toungue, the general bloated appearance, the injected eyes.
715
716	In the most common type of case, the measles sets in with a severe variety of the ordinary symptoms, the temperature falls with the outcome of the rash, and broncho-pneumonia speedily sets in, and kills the patient. Even another variety fairly common in the camps, is makred by the occurence of an intractable form of diarrhoea, which carries the patient off. Middle ear disease is very common after measles. Typhoid fever is another common sequel.
717
718	...Typhoid Fever.
719
720	C. I have noted above various factors which are quite enough to explain the occurrence of this disease.
721
722	...That a high death rate must have prevailed among them during ordinary times is evident, from the conditions under which they lived. The Boer is as susceptible of typhoid fever as the European. In the villages and towns of the Colony, all the filth, offal, excreta, and urine of the household goes into the cesspit, which in the majority of cases, is situated but a few yards--often but a few feet--from the well, the source of drinking and cooking water.
723
724	...Another instance is found in Bloemfontein, which is by far the most advanced town of the Colony. Cesspits were abolished only after Lord Robert's entry. The public wells, situated and draining the public streets, were closed by my suggestion early in the present year. during the Spring there was no case of typhoid notified for a period of about six weeks. This had not occurred for years.
725
726
727I think the author of the report is trying to say typhoid must have been rampant among the Boers before the war too. Doesn't say much about typhoid in Brandfort camp except that it has similar symptoms to the strain of measles there and is a "common sequel" to measles.
728
729
730https://books.google.com/books?id=jdJXAAAAMAAJ&q=camp#v=onepage&q=camp&f=false
731
732pg 116 of "South Africa Medical Journal" on "camp fever" that was similar to typhoid but not as lethal. Also on page 141 and other pages
733
734
735...
736
737more on the camps from a paper arguing the camps taught the Boer "modernisation:"
738
739http://www.scielo.org.za/pdf/sajs/v106n5-6/v106n5-6a14.pdf
740	Less is known about morbidity and mortality in the Black camps. Since their accommodation and nutrition were far worse than in the White camps, it is conceivable that mortality was at least as high amongst Black children as White children. It is known that some 14 154 Black people died and the figure may have been at least 20 000.14,15 However, most of the Black camp records have been destroyed and the memory of suffering in the Black camps largely has been erased by the experiences of the 20th century. 
741
742	...In the Orange River Colony (ORC), (the Orange Free State had been annexed by the British in 1900 and renamed) the newly appointed colonial medical officer of health, Dr George Pratt Yule, collected and analysed the camp data in great detail.16 In the Transvaal, Lord Milner and his ‘kindergarten’ team did the same.17,18,19,20,21,22,23,24,25,26 The result was a remarkably complete record of White camp populations and their mortality. Major G.F. de Lotbinière, who managed the Black camps from about August 1901, supplied similar data.
743
744conditions were worse in black camps and records of them were destroyed (by who?)
745
746they did keep many records of the white camps though--why?
747
748Brandfort stands out since death rate there was 6 times higher than average in Orange River Colony at its peak: http://lh6.ggpht.com/_ZL3Kngb81qo/TOE6yo9mvJI/AAAAAAAAxjo/wtvkY2mAuh0/s1600-h/Branfort%20DEATH%20RATES%20DWYERS%20BOER%20CONCENTRATION%20CAMP%201901%201902%5B6%5D.gif
749
750
751	...More significant than the timing of the mortality peaks were the patterns of mortality (Figure 4). Brandfort and Mafeking had the highest mortality peaks of any camps, in Brandfort reaching 1166 per 1000 per annum in October 1901; at this rate, every camp inmate would have died within a year had the population remained static. Appalling though this was, the pattern was worse in Bethulie camp, which had a higher total number of deaths and a prolonged period of elevated mortality. All three camps were about the same size, with an average monthly population of 3000, but Bethulie had a total of 1370 deaths, compared with a total of 1081 at Brandfort and a total of 1029 at Mafeking.
752
753
754peak death rate at Mafeking camp was close, Bethulie had more deaths with not as high peak but more sustained deaths. Mafeking and Brandfort peaked at the same time. The death rates in all white camps leveled off to a fraction of peak in April-May 1902.
755
756
757	...In their analysis of the Transvaal camps, Low-Beer et al.6 noted that measles was the largest single cause of death, accounting for 42% – 43% of deaths, three times more than any other illness. Pneumonia was the second most prevalent, with these two causes accounting jointly for 61% of all deaths. Dysentery and diarrhoea, typhoid and whooping cough were also major causes of death.6 Reasons for deaths in the ORC were very similar. In Bethulie, measles and respiratory complaints formed, by far, the most significant causes of death (Figure 6) and this is true of all the other camps as well. Typhoid was usually regarded as a summer disease in South Africa and the second mortality peak in the Bethulie camp (Figures 3 and 4) probably reflects the increase in this malady in the summer months, especially because this was an illness to which adults were particularly vulnerable.
758
759
760Brandfort and Bethulie were in Orange River Colony
761
762Mafeking was located in cape colony but part of the Transvaal camp system: https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Mafeking/
763
764In Transvaal camps, measles was 43% of all deaths and Pnemonia 18%. Dysentary, typhoid, and wooping cough major causes. Measles and respiratory problems were the most significant causes of death in all camps (is the cause known for black camps?). The second mortality peak at Bethulie (about 70% of Brandfort and Mafeking) was probably from typhoid (Bethulie also had highest ratio of adult/children deaths).
765
766
767	Although measles occurred as an epidemic disease, it was not unknown in the Boer republics prior to the outbreak of war. The ages of mortality suggest that most adults had some immunity and a proportion of children under a year shared their mothers’ resistance (Figure 7), especially as the Boers tended to wean their children late. Infants, who inherited an immunity from their mothers, were also protected from typhoid, which struck their older siblings and their parents.
768
769
770measles wasn't new to Boer republics and death patterns suggest immunity in some parents and weaning infants
771
772
773	...Secondly, the origins of viral diseases remained unidentified and there was no means of combating measles, except through the age-old technique of quarantine, which was impossible under South Africa’s wartime conditions. By 1902, when the flow of people into the camps had been reduced, isolation camps and contact camps were established, as subsidiaries to the main camps, but this was very much a case of closing the gate after the horse had escaped.
774
775
776they didn't set up separate quarantine camps until around 1902.
777
778Does this explain the fall in mortality rates among all camps April-May 1902? it's common to every white camp in these graphs
779
780
781	...By 1902 the situation was very different. Although shortages remained, the camp authorities had the money to install better latrines and to disinfect on a large scale. In order to stem the tide of mortality in Mafeking, 400 sanitary pails and 12 tons of disinfectant were ordered. 42 Night latrines were provided in all the Transvaal camps and the main latrines were transformed with hard flooring and proper removal systems. 43 By 1902 in the Transvaal, a ratio of 10 people to a latrine was advocated and cleanliness was implemented through constant inspection and some coercion. 44
782
783
784other changes "by 1902"
785
786point to something political? sounds like they changed something around 1902, and this coincided with drop in death rate
787
788
789	...In Bloemfontein, however, every water source became polluted with typhoid and this compounded the overall water shortage, which meant that camp inmates received only a pint (about half a litre) of boiled water a day, hopelessly inadequate in the summer heat. Worse still, was the lack of wood available for the fires required to boil the water. Camps like Standerton, on the Vaal River, had ample fuel and water, but the river was heavily polluted with disease and, in any case, the Boers disliked the taste of boiled water. 17
790
791
792"every water source" in Bloemfontein became polluted with typhoid (how?)
793
794
795------
796
797https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herero_and_Namaqua_genocide
798
799https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lothar_von_Trotha
800
801
802broader picture of genocides
803
804http://mortenjerven.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/AfricanPopulation.Methods.pdf
805
806even after slave trade, population declined in Africa until 1910-1920
807
808probably Boer war microcosm of atrocity on planetary scale
809
810
811https://people.howstuffworks.com/serial-killer2.htm
812	The majority of identified serial killers are organized and nonsocial. Most of them also follow some other basic patterns. More than 80 percent of serial killers are male, Caucasian and in their 20s or 30s [source: Hickey]. 
813
814
815motive?
816
817fewer psycopaths among Africans
818
819atrocities and how they were learned about in media on each side would also divide people in Africa and people in Europe, U.S.
820
821if Africa had developed with colonialism and genocide could also have ended up with powerful countries without psycopahts in government or fewer psycopaths, which would be a threat to them
822
823
824--------
825
826what happened May 1902 that caused death rate to drop in camps? (and why didn't it happen earlier)
827
828May 1902 Boer guerrillas signed surrender
829
830
831http://diginole.lib.fsu.edu/islandora/object/fsu:176437/datastream/PDF/view
832	If the British military had been left unchecked and the guerilla war continued beyond May 1902, the mounting concentration camp deaths could have easily escalated to genocidal levels based on decisions and actions by the British military. Only the intervention of the British public and subsequent worldwide opinion, forced the British government to transfer Afrikaner camps from military to civilian control, and require accountability from the military leaders, thereby reversing the momentum on a gradual slope to genocide. 
833
834
835may 1902 when camps went from military to civilian control?
836
837	
838    The senior military leaders' intent was to deliberately execute an "ethnic cleansing" of the Transvaal, with this being solely a military solution to the insurgency.  Due to an initial "hands off" approach supported by the civilian leadership, Britain's military actions drifted into an abyss of mismanagement and neglect by the generals, directly causing the high mortality rates of the concentration camps.  While I find no evidence of premeditated intent to commit mass murder or genocide, I have found an intent to clear the Boers and natives off the Transvaal veldt, and subsequent intent to remove them from South Africa both physically and as a political force, both of which failed.
839
840
841author found that military leaders mismanagment and neglect directly caused the death at the concentration camps. He found their intent was to deliberately execute an "ethnic cleansing," but found no evidence of premiditated intent to commit mass murder or genocide (what does that mean?) 
842
843	
844	...In June, 1901, as Emily Hobhouseís report on the Afrikaner camps was published,  parliamentary debate over the war intensified.  On 17 June, the Secretary of State for War, Brodrick, admitted during ìQuestion Timeî there were now 63, 127 people, Afrikaners and natives, in the camps. This was much higher than previously given, but, in fact, much lower than the actual figure.  He also admitted that in May 1901, there were 336 deaths in the Transvaal camps, 39 men (12 percent), 47 women (14 percent) and 250 children (74 percent).  The mortality data from the other colonies was not yet available. The opposition, led by Lloyd George, stated:  ìThe answer given today proves that, so far from this being the result of temporary condit io ns, it is growing worse.î 317  Lloyd George accused the government of pursuing ì... a policy of extermination against women and children.  Not a direct policy of extermination, but a policy that would have that effect. ... I say that this is the result of a deliberate and settled policy.  ... for it has taken months and months to do it. ... Why pursue this disgraceful policy; why make war against women and children? ... We want to make loyal British subjects of these people.  Is this the way to do it?î 318 Despite the heated rhetoric, Georgeís motion was voted down. Brodrick shrugged off the charges: ìI deny it altogether. ... It is said that they (the camps) are going from bad to worse.  Those who have been out there ... assured me things, so far from going from bad to worse, have been steadily ameliorating.î 
845
846    ...In response to the growing furor over the camps, and holding off the visits of numerous private groups, the government dispatched under Brodrickís guidance, a Committee of Ladies, with the mission of visiting the concentration camps in South Africa and rendering a report to the government (which would also be shared with the Parliament and public).  Commonly called the Fawcett Commission, named after its leader, Mrs. Millicent G. Fawcett, the group of six ladies visited all camps (with the exception of Port Elizabeth in Natal), from August through December of 1901.  Fawcett was a Liberal, and leader of the suffrage movement in England, and another member, Lady Knox, was the wife of one of Kitchenerís generals. By in large, and unlike Hobhouse, the ladies were supporters of the war. Yet, their report, issued in December, was constructive and to the point.
847
848    ...In their criticisms of the camp system, Mrs. Fawcett and her Commission generally confirmed all the essential recommendations of Emily Hobhouse, and even went further in some cases.  Looking at some twenty-two points, ranging from rations to hospital accommodations, they found the differences existing between camps so striking that it was misleading to attempt to generalize, and therefore the committee submitted detailed reports on each camp visited. 
849
850    ...Emily Hobhouse, who was not asked to be on the Commission of Ladies, agreed with most of the Commissionís findings and recommendations, with the exception of the Commissionís findings that the inmates themselves were part of the health problem and caused many of their own childrenís deaths.  One must remember Hobhouse, a pro-Boer, saw the camps as abhorrent, caused by the British devastation of the republics, and operated by a military which saw the care of noncombatants as a low priority.  The Fawcett Commission, representing the British government, took the opposite tack, that the camps were there to help the Boer families who lost their homes due to their husbandís continued fighting, and the British were providing them a humanitarian service by establishing the camps.  Nowhere in the Fawcett commissionís report do you read of families being herded off the veldt by British columns from burnt homes.  Like Hobhouse, the ladies did not visit a single native camp.
851
852    The Commissionís report, published on 12 December 1901, did not recommend inmates be allowed to leave the camps voluntary if they could find support from friends or other family.  They saw the republics as devastated and thus the camps were necessary to support the thousands of displaced noncombatants.
853
854
855on British public debate on the camps: I guess picked up around June 1901 when Hobbhouse published her report. They started a debate over the Boer camps over how bad they were (and their intent?), with the side saying they were really bad being seen as pro-Boer. The black African camps were mostly ignored (is this right?)
856
857	
858	...The second major health ìhistoryî in the South African War, and of most interest to this study, concerns the epidemics of disease, specifically measles, which swept the Afrikaner and native concentration camps from mid-1901 through early 1902.  Differing opinions on why the noncombatants in the camps died at such an alarming rate between March 1901 and February 1902 are presented in a plethora of contemporary and more recent studies.  Emily Hobhouse and the Fawcett Commission differ not so much in their findings, or recommendations, but in the causes of deaths.  As stated earlier in this study, politics undoubtedly enters into all accounts, especially the official histories (the Fawcett Commission was a commission chartered by the Government) and those published by British participants immediately after the war.  There developed a British mantra of blaming the women and children for their own deaths, not those who herded them off burning farms into packed, unsanitary camps, which are then characterized as humanitarian alternatives to starvation on the veldt. 
859
860
861There are differing opinions on why so many Boer died in the camps between March 1901 and February 1902 (see https://academic.oup.com/view-large/figure/982020/kwt28202.tiff) in contemporary and recent studies. There developed a mantra of blaming the Boer for their deaths (including Fawcett Commission?), while Hobhouse (I guess?) blamed the British gov. The cause of deaths was politicized.
862
863
864	... The above data show that large camps with sudden increases in population and smaller camps with little or no population increases each experienced a significantly rising death rate during April ñJune, 1901.   Table 4.3, the second quarter of the data, covering July ñ September 1901,  continues the significant increase in total Transvaal Afrikaner camp population of almost 17,000 people, and the first reports from the Balmoral camp.  The most deadly camp in the Transvaal during this period was Nylstroom with a three month death rate of 522 per thousand, per annum.  Based on this death rate average, with an average camp population of around 1600, it would have taken less than two years for the death of the entire camp population.  Pietersburg, with an average rate of 434 was the second most deadly camp.  A host of camps averaged a death rate of over 300.  Middelburg had the highest single monthís death rate during the quarter, with 404 persons dying in July 1901, with a death rate of 622.   
865
866
867Small camps with a low influx of population and large camps with a high influx of population all experienced a significant rise in death rate April-June 1901. Nylstroom was the deadliest camp in Transvaal.
868
869
870	...The situation in the African camps was similar.  From June, 1901 through October, 1901, there were 6,345 recorded deaths in the Transvaal African camps, 5160 children (81 percent); 755 women (12 percent) and 430 men (7 percent).   In November, 1901 the death rate in the Transvaal African camps was 291 per thousand, per annum, and in December, out of a total native camp population of 89,407, a total of 2831 deaths (3 percent)  in the ORC and Transvaal were reported, with 1160 (1percent) coming from the Transvaal.  By May 1902, there were 38  native camps in the Transvaal alone, with 55,910 inmates, 29,684 (53 percent) of them children and 14,727 (26 percent) women.  Only 11,499 men (20 percent) were men, most likely old or infirmed, as the young men were working for the army or in the mines.
871
872	The Department of Native Refugees, during its operation, listed 15,423 total native deaths in the camps of both republics, with 7,076 of the deaths occurring in September-October 1901. 
873
874
875African camps were similar (where did they get this data from? other paper said the records were destroyed)
876
877of the war deaths, civilian Afrikaner's made up 36% of the deaths and civilian black Africans made up 26% of the deaths.
878
879
880	...In some camps the death rates were so high that unless diseases had run their cycle or measures taken, a high percentage of the camp population would have died. If the camps had not been exposed by Emily Hobhouse and others, the death toll would have been more horrific. Kitchener was in total command of the operational theater, medical resources, the railroad priorities, and the camps.
881
882	In summary, the death rates in the Afrikaner camps peaked during the months of September to December 1901, with the native camps peaking later, in November 1901 through January 1902.  The decline in deaths occurs later in the native camps than in the Afrikaner camps, with mortality of 310, 174, and 114 per 1,000 per annum in January ñMarch, 1902.  Regardless of camp population, most camps experienced significant increases in deaths during the above periods. It should be noted that as early as April 1901, the death rate in the Afrikaner camps was 121 per thousand per annum, as high as the British deaths during the typhoid epidemic atLadysmith.  In the worst months, the mortality was as high as 330 per annum in the Afrikaner camps and 389 per annum in the native camps.  The effects of the Fawcett Commission and implementation of its recommended changes did not affect the native camps, and the effects on the Afrikaner camps have yet to be proven.  At first glance, the decline in mortality, beginning in November 1901, in the Afrikaner camps seems linked to the effects of the Fawcett Commission and the final transfer of all Afrikaner camp authority to Milner in November 1901.
883
884	However as the camps of the Transvaal are examined separately, it is obvious multiple peaks in mortality are seen, and thus the composite (macro) numbers and trends must be viewed with skepticism. 
885
886	...There are broad health implications of the war which are beyond the scope of this study, but two items should be noted ñ First, that typhoid had become an endemic disease in South Africa in the decades prior to the war, present in the urban areas and on the veldt, among all groups, black and white. In conjunction with an inefficient sanitation infrastructure, no steps were taken to stop or mitigate the fouling of the drinking water. These two factors show that enteric fever was not imported into South Africa with the British troops.365
887
888	Lieutenant Colonel Simpson addresses measles in Chapter XIV of his work, stating that of the 1,218 cases of measles in the British army during the war, only four soldiers died.
889
890	...When data is analyzed by disease cause, with October 1901, being the month with the highest mortality rates, it becomes evident that measles was the largest single cause of death in the Transvaal camps, accounting for 43 percent of deaths, two to three times more than any other cause.  This data is consistent across all time periods (See Fig. 4.4, above).  The second largest cause of death is pneumonia, at 13-18 percent, and this is, in part, due to measles.  Measles, alone accounted for 80 percent of the 413 deaths in the Middelburg camp in July 1901.  Of significance is that measles was the major cause of death of Afrikaners over five years of age, accounting for 33 percent of the deaths, and pneumonia another 24 percent.  This provides insight to the low measles immunity of the Afrikaners on the veldt, and suggests that large numbers of them had not been exposed to measles for at least five years previously or longer.  Although there are other underlying causes of deaths, measles is the dominant factor in explaining the extreme mortality in the worst camps. 370
891
892	...Research into measles epidemics has shown that above a certain population size of about 250,000, measles is sustained in human populations, it becomes endemic, although there can be epidemic cycles. The total population of Afrikaners and natives in South Africa was certainly above the floor described above, however the dispersed population on isolated farmsteads and kraals on the veldt meant that the infrequent contact and interaction did not support or sustain endemic measles. The Afrikaners lost any immunity they may have had on arriving from Europe. Therefore, it is not just the base population necessary for endemic measles, but also a factor of geographical dispersion and population interaction. Previous outbreaks of measles among the Afrikaners and natives were probably isolated, the very geographical isolation which was to later kill them when they were concentrated.374
893
894	... Camp officials failed to control the entry of infected individuals into their camps.  If measles had been identified as a threat, the establishment of isolation camps or designating part of a camp as an entry port for new inmates would have lessened the epidemics.
895
896
897according to author (John. L. Scott): 
898
899"at first glance," decline in mortality seems linked to organization changes in the camps November 1901, but since there are multiple mortality peaks in each camp "the trends must be viewed with skepticism"
900
901"typhoid had become an endemic disease in South Africa in the decades prior to the war" and this and poor sanitation was how it became an epidemic during the war
902
90343% of the deaths were from measles, 13-18% were pneumonia, and this "provides insight to the low measles immunity of the Afrikaners" 
904
905"The Afrikaners lost any immunity they may have had on arriving from Europe"
906
907Camp officials didn't identify measles as a threat when letting in infected people
908
909
910which of these are true?
911
912author wrong on important things earlier in paper: "Polluted water, latrines and horse feces were the primary breeding grounds of typhoid bacilli which was then spread by the flies," but only natural resevour of typhoid is humans. 
913
914For the first point, mortality declined simultaneously in all camps April-May 1901, at least in these graphs: http://www.scielo.org.za/pdf/sajs/v106n5-6/v106n5-6a14.pdf . This is a pattern worth explaining.
915
916
917
918dunno about second point except that it would be an unusual event if so many soldiers got typhoid drinking from a river. Scott's description contradicts some first hand reports:
919
920https://books.google.com/books?id=JT8eAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA296&lpg=PA296
921	T...The upper land of Natal, where all the troops have been, is assuredly amongst the healthiest country in the world; there is no natural malaria, and no specific disease that is not brought on by imperfect human causes, and sure the fact that there are 6,000* cases of enteric, or anything approaching such numbers, is sufficient to warrant a searching enquiry.
922
923
924
925third and fourth points contradict other research and basic facts about measles:
926
927https://kidshealth.org/en/parents/measles.html
928	Measles (also called rubeola) is caused by a virus , so there's no specific medical treatment for it. The virus has to run its course.
929
930
931https://www.cdc.gov/measles/about/history.html
932	In the decade before 1963 when a vaccine became available, nearly all children got measles by the time they were 15 years of age. It is estimated 3 to 4 million people in the United States were infected each year. Also each year, among reported cases, an estimated 400 to 500 people died, 48,000 were hospitalized, and 1,000 suffered encephalitis (swelling of the brain) from measles.
933
934
935https://academic.oup.com/aje/article/179/4/413/128401
936	Deaths reportedly due to measles or pneumonias were combined because they were not precisely differentiated by the medical staffs of the camps. 
937
938	...Most deaths of camp internees were due to bacterial pneumonias that complicated measles infections. During camp epidemics, measles infections severely compromised the lower respiratory tracts of those infected. In turn, respiratory bacterial strains that were cocirculating with measles were able to invade the lower respiratory tracts of measles-infected hosts if the hosts had no preexisting immunity against the respective bacterial strains.
939
940
941http://www.scielo.org.za/pdf/sajs/v106n5-6/v106n5-6a14.pdf
942	Although measles occurred as an epidemic disease, it was not unknown in the Boer republics prior to the outbreak of war. The ages of mortality suggest that most adults had some immunity and a proportion of children under a year shared their mothers’ resistance
943
944
945https://academic.oup.com/aje/article/179/4/413/128401
946	None of the groups described (Polynesian, Boer, American) are at increased risk of dying from measles in modern times. Such decreases in lethality within 2 reproductive generations cannot be explained by Darwinian evolution alone.
947
948
949http://www.sciencemag.org/news/2014/02/black-death-left-mark-human-genome
950	Netea and Bertranpetit propose that the Rroma and European Romanians came to have the same versions of these immune system genes because of the evolutionary pressure exerted by Y. pestis. Other Europeans, whose ancestors also faced and survived the Black Death, carried similar changes in the toll-like receptor genes. But people from China and Africa—two other places the Black Death did not reach—did not have these changes. 
951
952	...The genetic changes may have modern-day effects. "The presence of these particular versions of these genes may give the evolutionary basis for why certain populations are more at risk” for certain types of diseases, says Douglas Golenbock, an immunologist at the University of Massachusetts Medical School in Worcester. "The side effect seems to be that the Europeans have a more proinflammatory immune system than those who have never experienced Black Death."
953
954
955Measles has a very low mortality rate (by comparison), what kills are the complications. Measles was present in Boer before and patterns of immunity were found in Boer adults and weaning children, but their children didn't have immunity since no children have immunity to measles until they get it. Afrikaners would not "lose" any genetic resistance to measles after a few generations.
956
957Measles infected most or all of the children in the camp, which is what would happen in European countries and America to millions of children, almost all of who would get over the infection naturally. But most of the deaths in the camps were children, and complications of measles were reported. This strongly suggests that the deaths by measles of the children in the camp were not by any darwinesque susceptibility to measles, like Scott implies, but that conditions in the camp were conducive to measles complications.
958
959
960last point that they didn't realize they were letting infected people into the camps contradicts other sources:
961
962https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Brandfort/
963	...the Chief Superintendent claimed. Pratt Yule was reluctant to send more people from infected camps like Bloemfontein but the authorities were unsympathetic. ‘Rot’, someone minuted in the margin of his report. Come they did – 3 000 arrived on 9 August 1901, in a bad state of health, with only 25 tents to accommodate them. Many of the new arrivals suffered from trachoma, an eye disease caused by flies and fairly common amongst the Dutch, the MO reported.8
964
965	...In an attempt to isolate the camp, the inmates were prevented from going into town but, since the military commandant continued to issue passes, some contact was inevitable. Worse still, the military authorities sent about a hundred people from the town to the camp. Diphtheria spread to the camp by the middle of August although, fortunately, it was the one disease for which there was an effective drug therapy, known as an anti-toxin, which was provided. Measles soon followed, a result, Jacobs was convinced, of the indifference of the military to the risk of infection.9
966
967
968on Kroonstad camp:
969
970
971https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Kroonstad/
972	From the first Kroonstad lacked accommodation as Boer families poured in. As early as February 1901, the superintendent was urgently cabling for more tents for ninety people had arrived from Viljoen’s Drift the day before and another sixty had been brought in that day. He was informed by head office that the tents were expected to house fifteen people each, the same rule as applied to the troops. 100 tents were not needed for 943 people, Webb was told in March 1901.10 This ruling, which was partly the product of the failure of the military to plan for the number of families they had to house, was one of the most fatal decisions in the early months of the camps, for disease spread like wildfire in these cramped conditions.
973
974	...All these conditions ensured that infectious diseases would spread rapidly and hit hard. And epidemics struck early for many of the first arrivals were in a bad way. When Reitz was evacuated in January 1901, the British left behind ten families seriously affected by typhoid. Amongst them was Johanna Rousseau, who noted that one of her family was extremely bad with fever. The party, when they were finally removed, included a brother with heart disease, an old man who died before they reached the camp, a child with diphtheria, a Miss van Wijk who was suffering from ‘inflammation of the lungs’ and a Mrs Potgieter who had acute rheumatism’.13
975
976	By the end of February 1901 there were already forty patients in the camp hospital, twenty-seven of whom had enteric and the first medical report makes it clear that this was initially the major health hazard. Already widespread in the local villages, typhoid was almost certainly spread by the British army as well, brought from typhoid-ridden Bloemfontein. It was not only the whites who suffered for the doctor found several cases of typhoid amongst black servants brought in by the Boers. But measles had also struck as early as March 1901 and diphtheria was common as well. In that month there were eighteen deaths, well above the average for that date.14
977
978	At first a civilian doctor, Dr Symonds, cared for the camp but he had no trained nurses When one was appointed, she turned out to be a disappointment for she was rapidly dismissed for drinking. The medical situation was partly relieved, however, when Dr van der Wall arrived. Dr Symonds was able to turn his attention to the arrivals living in the town rather than the camp.15
979
980	The two doctors spelt out the problems very clearly but their warnings fell largely on deaf ears in these early months.
981
982
983https://books.google.com/books?id=pu6ZBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA366&lpg=PA366
984	...Dr van der Wall, an Afrikaans doctor working a the Kroonstad camp, remarked on a group of 800 refugees who were brough in after their laager was captured: "The health of this section is extremely bad. These people came into camp laden with disease and worn out in constitution ... I found that all diseases rampant among them now were in evidence amongst them when they came in ... in conclusion I wish to point out that the cause of mortality was introduced from outside, and is not due to existing circumstances in the camp."
985
986
987from Fawcett commission:
988
989
990https://books.google.com/books?id=9vxKAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA96&lpg=PA96
991	We are informed that Dr. van der Wall was the medical officer responsible for removal of patients actually known to be suffering from measles and pneumonia from Kroonstad to Heilbron, in the end of August, causing a serious outbreak of illness in a hitherto healthy camp.
992
993
994whether Fawcett commission telling truth or lying about van der Wall, says a lot about how they handled things in the camp knowing they were set up for disease and bringing sick people in would spread it like wildfire
995
996
997https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Mafeking/
998	Understanding the history of Mafeking camp presents special problems. For a brief period it had the highest death rate of any camp, in October 1901 reaching a staggering 4132.741 per thousand per annum for children under twelve, the MO calculated. Yet this mortality occurred in a camp which, immediately before that, had seemed relatively healthy. The disaster occurred shortly after the first visit of the Ladies Committee in August 1901, and they returned in November to try to understand what had happened. 
999
1000	...Catastrophe struck with an influx of new arrivals from Taungs in the middle of August, bringing with them measles, whooping cough and typhoid. Taungs is even more remote than Mafeking so that it is surprising that the people were so sick. They may, perhaps, have fled from the advancing British forces, taking disease with them, for such refugees were often the carriers of infection and their hard lives had weakened them, while the journey to the camp was also debilitating.8 In Mafeking the numbers made it difficult to isolate them and disease spread rapidly through the camp, with the new arrivals suffering worst. 
1001
1002
1003from Fawcett commission:
1004
1005https://books.google.com/books?id=9vxKAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA177&lpg=PA177
1006	On August 15th, just before the Comission's first visit, a number of Boer refugees had been brought in.
1007
1008	These had amongst them--
1009		(1.) Measles of a malignant type.
1010		(2.) Entric.
1011		(3.) Malarial fever.
1012		(4.) Cerebro-spinal meningitis.
1013		(5.) Whooping-cough.
1014		(6.) Chicken pox.
1015
1016	These new-comers were neither examined nor isolated, and the dirty camp proved a suitable soil for the various disease-germs to grow in and flourish amazingly.
1017
1018	...While the health of the camp was in this condition, the P.M.O., Dr. Kaufmann, who had not apparently understood the terrible urgency of the camp's state of health, fortunately resigned, and Dr. Morrow was appointed in his place.
1019
1020	...The Commission are unanimously of opinion that the Superintendent and the former medical officer are greatly to blame for the condition and the death-rate in this camp.
1021
1022
1023https://books.google.com/books?id=5N1GAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA81&lpg=RA1-PA81
1024	As I specified in my last report (1st of September, 1901), the epidemics increased very much, and are not likely to decrease before next month, as about 200 more children seem doomed. I exlained to you last time how and extremely dirty lot, brought in with measles, whooping cough, dysentery, and enteric fever, infected our camp. We had unfortunately just then influenza and pneumonia, which makes a very bad combination with measles and whooping cough. In this manner we have for September 151 deaths, against 43 during June, July and August, nearly half of those 43 having died of pneumonia, during an epidemic of influenza, which swept the whole camp. The death rate is and will be appalling amongst children. It is not abnormal amongst grown up people, of those, that died, or are dying nearly 70 per cent. fall to that lot, brought end of August numbering about 1,200 and about 30 per cent. to our old camping numbering about 4,000.
1025
1026	Dr. Morrow arrived from Cape Town on the 3rd inst., and immmediately put himself to work with great energy and zeal. I am sorry that I am so overworked and exhausted that I must stop my work except giving all over to Dr. Morrow. I am leaving on the 11th isnt., I should have asked assistance, but as you replied to my first request (20th of August) that other larger camps have only one doctor, I resented it as a reproach and restrained form asking more. The fact is, that here is work enough for five hardworking doctors.
1027
1028	F. Kaufmann
1029
1030
1031https://books.google.com/books?id=5N1GAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA23&lpg=RA1-PA23
1032	...To cope with this state of affairs there were two medical men. Dr. Kaufmann, an Austrian, had sole charge of the camp up to the 8th of August. As he required assistance, Dr. Limpert, a German, was sent up to him. The amount of help which he was able to afford can be gauged from the fact that he could hardly speak a word of English, and was entirely ignorant of Dutch. And these two men were expected to visit in the latter end of September and the first two weeks in October, patients whose numbers varied from 800 to over 1,200. ...I attach no blame whatever to Dr. Kaufmann. On all sides I have heard of his indefatigable work, of his self-denying sacrifice of ease, rest, and even necessary sleep in order to try and cope with the sickness which was ravaging the camp.
1033
1034
1035https://books.google.com/books?id=9vxKAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA177&lpg=PA177
1036	...The Commission are unanimously of opinion that the Superintendent and the former medical officer are greatly to blame for the condition and the death-rate in this camp.
1037
1038
1039trolling the doctors?
1040
1041Has hallmarks of the work of psycopaths.
1042
1043
1044What was going on with Dr. Kaufmann?
1045
1046his reports are different from others
1047
1048
1049https://books.google.com/books?id=5N1GAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA257&lpg=RA1-PA257
1050	Monthly Report for July, 1901, on the State of Health of the B.R.C. in Mafeking
1051
1052	...The state of health of the B.R.C. was not very satisfactory this month, owing to an outbreak of influenza and enterie cattarh, especially amongst children; the daily ambulance increased to the number of 100, and daily visits to 20 (besides hospital work).
1053
1054	Assistance of another doctor was asked for and granted. Still it was absolutely necessary to get local assistance till his arrival.
1055
1056	...There is one satisfactory feature, and that is the small rate of death, considering the outbreak of so many and severe cases. I think that is owing to the quick sanitary measures (pumps, cleaning of wells, milk, boiling of water, and the cleanliness of the camp).
1057
1058	...J. Z. KAUFMANN
1059
1060
1061later by Dr. Morrow:
1062
1063https://books.google.com/books?id=5N1GAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA83&lpg=RA1-PA83
1064	Previous to my arrival there were only two medical men, Kaufmann, in charge, and Dr. Limpert, his assistant. The former has laboured very hard, but without proper assistance has been unable to cope with the situation. The latter knows litle Englihs, and, I am told, less Dutch. He is, therefore, unsuitable for the work. With this weak staff it is not a matter of surprise that the sick have not in many cases received proper attention. At present five energetic doctors are required here, and seven would have their hands full, for it is most trying to work in the foul-smelling tents of these wretched people.
1065
1066
1067https://books.google.com/books?id=9vxKAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA177&lpg=PA177
1068	Dr. Morrow then at once proceeded to grapple with the situation, enlarged the hospital, applied for more doctors and nurses, organised a camp cleaning and disinfecting crusade
1069
1070
1071why would they need a cleaning and disinfecting crusade if the camp was already clean?
1072
1073If the camp had good sanitation like Kaufmann said, what caused the massive increase in death rate after his July report?
1074
1075
1076according to Fawcett commission:
1077
1078https://archive.org/stream/ReportOnTheConcentrationCampsInSouthAfricaByTheCommitteeOfLadIes/Report_on_the_concentration_camps_in_Sou_djvu.txt
1079	REPORT ON BURGHER CAMP, MAFEKING (FIRST VISIT), 
1080
1081	20th and 21st AUGUST 1901
1082
1083	...The women were washing clothes in the river, the banks of which were 
1084	horribly fouled by human excreta. They had declined altogether to use the 
1085	washing tubs which Mr. McCowat had placed for them.
1086
1087	2. Dry refuse should be put into cans or buckets, and wet refuse into half 
1088	casks or buckets. They should not be mixed, and the throwing out of slop 
1089	water on the ground round the tents should be discontinued.
1090
1091	...2. Sanitary Arrangements. — There are 16 latrines, and more are being 
1092	made. The system is one of trenched latrines filled in and covered with 
1093	chloride of lime at intervals. The trenches are too wide. They are positively
1094	dangerous for children . The ground round the latrines was badly fouled. 
1095	The veldt outside the fence was also very foul, as was the river bank and the 
1096	camp generally. Mr. McCowat expressed the strong opinion that enteric 
1097	fever would never be got rid of in this country until the habits of the people 
1098	were changed.
1099
1100	...4. Rations were liberal. The old scale which Mr. McCowat was still 
1101	issuing
1102
1103	...The cost of 
1104	rations was Is. 3d. a day. This is in excess of other camps, and Mr. McCowat 
1105	expects soon to reduce it. He is getting rid of the contractor and will be 
1106	able to supply the camp cheaper direct. 
1107
1108
1109on mafeking rations:
1110
1111
1112https://books.google.com/books?id=5N1GAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA257&lpg=RA1-PA257#v=onepage&q&f=false
1113	Report for July, 1901
1114
1115	...After the arrival of pumps and cleaning of wells, and dispensing of milk to children, the dysentery and enteric cattarh subsided
1116
1117
1118https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Mafeking/
1119	The relatively generous ration of the Boers continued at least until August 1901 when the Ladies Committee noted critically that the cost of rations, at 1s 3d a day, was well in excess of that of other camps. 
1120
1121
1122https://archive.org/stream/ReportOnTheConcentrationCampsInSouthAfricaByTheCommitteeOfLadIes/Report_on_the_concentration_camps_in_Sou_djvu.txt
1123	...3. The river should be protected with wire fencing from the pollution, 
1124	which is at present very serious. Women were found washing clothes in 
1125	very foul water. The banks of the river are terribly foul, and are a source 
1126	of danger to this camp. 
1127
1128	4. There is no method or material for the systematic disinfection of 
1129	typhoid urine and excreta ; these should be provided as pointed out in circular 
1130	letter No. 13 of March 14th, 1901. 
1131
1132	5. We urge the importance of immediate steps being taken to improve the 
1133	sanitary condition of the camp and the water supply. We believe that a 
1134	typhoid epidemic might easily arise under present conditions. It will be 
1135	seen from enclosed report, drawn up by the professional members of our 
1136	Commission, that there are already premonitory symptoms of such an 
1137	epidemic. There are already 10 known cases of typhoid in the camp, and 
1138	this is the healthiest season of the year. 
1139
1140	6. An isolation tent should be provided in readiness for a possible 
1141	emergency. The hospital accommodation is inadequate, and should be 
1142	increased. 
1143
1144	...10. Condensed milk, which is at present served out only on the doctor's 
1145	orders as a medical comfort, should be mixed with boiled water before being 
1146	distributed. 
1147
1148	11. Large tanks for boiling water are much needed. 
1149
1150
1151but most of these are things Kauffman said they already had...
1152
1153	
1154	...We re-visited this camp on November 4th and 5th, in consequence of 
1155	information that we had received of its unsatisfactory condition. 
1156
1157	On our previous visit (August 20th and 21st) we found the camp (number- 
1158	ing 4,000 persons) had quite recently been moved. It was well pitched on 
1159	a good site chosen by the Military Commandant. Only 40 deaths had 
1160	occurred since March, and there was apparently every prospect of a healthy 
1161	existence provided that certain elementary rules of health were properly 
1162	carried out ; but from what we then saw we felt sure that, unless alterations 
1163	were made in regard to certain sanitary conditions, the camp would suffer 
1164	severely from the introduction of any infection, and for this reason we at 
1165	once made recommendations in writing to the Superintendent — Mr. 
1166	McCowatt. 
1167
1168	On our return (November 4th) we found the camp a prey to a terrible 
1169	outbreak of disease (measles, enteric, pneumonia, malaria, chicken pox, 
1170	whooping-cough) which had undoubtedly been fostered and aggravated by 
1171	the insanitary conditions of which we had complained on our previous visit. 
1172
1173	Going carefully through the camp we could not but feel that little or 
1174	nothing had been done by the Superintendent to carry out our recommenda- 
1175	tions. On the contrary, the conditions had in some respects deteriorated 
1176	since our visit, and it was plain that, until the arrival of Dr. Morrow, no real 
1177	effort had been made to prevent or to cope with the sickness. This had 
1178	steadily increased until 2,000 cases of disease were registered at one time ; 29 
1179	deaths had occurred in one day, and over 500 lives had been lost during the 
1180	10 weeks since we had left. 
1181
1182
1183	...Two wells in the " North Camp " were still uncovered, and others were in an unsatisfactory condition
1184
1185
1186	...Milk was still being issued unmixed with boiled water. 
1187
1188	No arrangements for boiling water — disinfection, &c. — had been started 
1189	until the epidemic was at its height, and the new doctor had arrived.
1190
1191
1192https://books.google.com/books?id=5N1GAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA257&lpg=RA1-PA257
1193	Monthly Report for July, 1901, on the State of Health of the B.R.C. in Mafeking
1194
1195	...There is one satisfactory feature, and that is the small rate of death, considering the outbreak of so many and severe cases. I think that is owing to the quick sanitary measures (pumps, cleaning of wells, milk, boiling of water, and the cleanliness of the camp).
1196
1197	...J. Z. KAUFMANN
1198
1199?
1200
1201someone has to be lying...
1202
1203think Fawcett commission is lying:
1204
1205commissioned by British gov, at least one (others?) was close to one of the British generals there (his wife)
1206
1207took up mantra among British of "blame the Boer" for their children dying
1208
1209didn't visit a single black African camp
1210
1211blamed Dr. van der Wall for bringning in diseased inmates and causing an epidemic when he was the one writing about that
1212
1213blamed Kauffmann for slacking off and causing the high death rate in Mafeking camp when he was writing for more assistance, writing of what they did and thought stopped deaths in the camp, and others vouched for him working his ass off and losing sleep trying to visit everyone in camp
1214
1215
1216Besides McCowat, Kauffman was in charge of the Mafeking camp during the huge death spike, but that could have been caused by something in addition to or besides mismanagement
1217
1218
1219in any case, Scott saying that the doctors didn't see the danger of disease spreading in the camps coming is absurd
1220
1221
1222
1223http://hekint.org/2017/01/22/medical-evolutions-in-the-crimean-war-a-comparison-between-britain-and-russia/
1224
1225https://books.google.com/books?id=NETbiUz4ObEC&pg=PA23&lpg=PA23&
1226
1227https://ir.canterbury.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10092/13537/MA%20thesis%20-%20John%20Richardson.pdf?sequence=1
1228
1229sanitation and disease in army camps important in British army reforms after Crimean war and campaign in India
1230
1231
1232http://muttermuseum.org/static/media/uploads/civilwar_lp8_fnl.pdf
1233
1234having a "healthy camp" issue during U.S. civil war
1235
1236
1237https://watermark.silverchair.com/milmed-d-10-00181.pdf
1238	This desire to educate line officers concerning soldier health continued in 1764 with the publication of Richard Brocklesby's Oeconomical and Medical Observations and Donald Monro's An account of the Diseases which were most Frequent in British Hospitals in Germany with advice on military hospitals and soldier health.
1239
1240	...Rush specifically noted the role and authority of the line officers in preventing disease and ensuring health with the advice and support of their medical officer.
1241
1242
1243https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/78db/6024bb944fed2f43c35d46fe3995ba5c2794.pdf
1244	Meanwhile, the Army was having similar problems closer to home during the Napoleonic Wars and it is estimated that from 1795 to 1815 there were approximately 240 000 deaths of whom only about 30 000 were due to trauma. 15 The most notable military medical disaster of this period was the now largely forgotten Walcheren Campaign in 1809, 16
1245
1246	...In addition to the deaths from Walcheren Fever, more than 11 000 survivors were still on the sick roll by 1 February 1810 and the Duke of Wellington later refused to have Walcheren vet- erans serve with him since their sickness rates from relapses were so high. The cause of the disease remains debatable, but a combination of malaria, typhus and enteric fever seems most likely. 16 A public and media outcry led to a parliamentary inquiry in 1810 18 and although the cause of the diseases was not understood, the inquiry report did enable McGrigor to make major organisational improvements to the work of the Army Medical Department when he became Director General of the Army Medical Services (DGAMS) from 1815 to 1851
1247
1248	Unfortunately, these improvements were soon neglected and overwhelmed due to severe military cutbacks, over-reliance on the civilian sector, the low status of Army medical personnel and the extra challenges faced by larger and more distant deployments such as the Crimean War (1853 – 1856). This con fl ict involved about 250 000 British troops of whom 21 097 (8%) died and 16 323 (77%) of these were due to dis- eases such as cholera, dysentery, enteric fever, typhus and other febrile illnesses. 19 On this occasion, it was the living conditions and the hospital facilities that were responsible for the spread of infection. This was highlighted by civilian nurses such as Florence Nightingale and Mary Seacole and in so doing they laid the foundations of military nursing and infection control that continue to the present day. However, at the time the cause of these infections was still not under- stood and so the preventative measures used were empirical and much debated. The established hospital at Scutari where Nightingale worked continued to have much higher death rates than a new prefabricated one designed by Isambard Kingdom Brunel at Renkioi where Edmund Parkes worked. 20 Another government inquiry (the Royal Sanitary Commission) followed in 1858 and its fi ndings were heavily in fl uenced by the work of Nightingale and Parkes (who later became the fi rst Professor of Military Hygiene). The fi nal report included the recommendation that an Army Medical School be created to improve the training of medical of fi cers on matters relating to infectious diseases. 21
1249
1250	...Germ theory eventually became established in the latter partof the 19th century and there was then rapid progress in identi-fying the causes of many infections. Specific military teachingon hygiene and sanitation and also infectious and tropical dis-eases was provided for Army medical officers from 1860 whenthefirst Army Medical School opened at Fort Pitt in Chatham.In 1863, this was transferred to the new Royal Victoria Hospital at Netley and Royal Navy medical officers joined the coursefrom 1871 until 1881 when separate teaching began at RNHHaslar.6In 1903, this teaching moved to the magnificent newRoyal Army Medical College at Millbank in London.
1251
1252	The cause of enteric fever (typhoid or paratyphoid) was iden-tified in 1884 and an effective typhoid vaccine was developedby Almroth Wright and William Leishman at the Army MedicalSchool at Netley in 1897. However, resistance to its use meantthat most of the 556 653 British troops in the Boer War (1899–1902) were not vaccinated and so 57 684 (10%) developedenteric fever of whom 8225 (14%) died, compared with 7582killed in action.22The subsequent Royal Commission conductedby Lord Elgin found that the newly-formed Royal ArmyMedical Corps (RAMC) had been overwhelmed at times due toa lack of resources, but individuals such as Alfred Keogh werecommended for their handling of enteric fever cases at the mili-tary hospitals under their command (Figure 4).23
1253
1254	As resources improved, this soon became the golden era ofinfectious diseases research in the British Army, which includeddiscoveries such as the cause of brucellosis by David Bruce in1887
1255
1256
1257https://books.google.com/books?id=_rG9HWy6fVkC&pg=PA138&lpg=PA138
1258
1259(also: winston churchill and aruthor conan doyle anti-vaxx campaigners??)
1260
1261
1262https://books.google.com/books?id=JT8eAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA296&lpg=PA296
1263		Camps have been infested with the disease. Ladysmith and the district simply reeked with enteric germs, and the number of men attacked was alarming, and in the highest degree depressing. From the point of view of economy of human life, it would have been infinitely better of General Buller had taken the Biggarsberg range at enormous loss of life instead of sweltering in that Ladysmith fever-bed all those weeks after the relief of the town. Many of the troops who were there during the siege remained there long after the relief, when common sense dictated an immediate change.
1264
1265	...In another part of his letter he says:--
1266
1267		Is this disease to spread like wildfire over the camps, and no attempts made to check it? On the face of it there appears to have been scandalous mismanagement.
1268
1269
1270Disease spreading through a camp was a well-known problem for the British military by then. Officers would be trained on dealing with disease in camps and would have medical officers on call, but didn't do anything about the disease, even for some of their soldiers' camps.
1271
1272
1273------
1274
1275so scott made these points:
1276
1277"at first glance," decline in mortality seems linked to organization changes in the camps November 1901, but since there are multiple mortality peaks in each camp "the trends must be viewed with skepticism"
1278
1279"typhoid had become an endemic disease in South Africa in the decades prior to the war" and this and poor sanitation was how it became an epidemic during the war
1280
128143% of the deaths were from measles, 13-18% were pneumonia, and this "provides insight to the low measles immunity of the Afrikaners" 
1282
1283"The Afrikaners lost any immunity they may have had on arriving from Europe"
1284
1285Camp officials didn't identify measles as a threat when letting in infected people
1286
1287
12881st doesn't make sense on its face, unless he goes on to explain the simultaneous drop in mortality in the camps later
1289
12902nd unsure, get contradictory reports
1291
12923rd and 4th are wrong, measles rarely kills but complications do, kids often get measles, Boer had immunity, wouldn't lose any genetic resistance in that timeframe
1293
12945th is wrong, some officials were writing about disease sweeping through camps, asking for more assistance, writing about how bringing in infected people from outside camp was causing epidemics. It's not that they didn't realize the threat, it's that nothing was done.
1295
1296
1297also what's up with this:
1298
1299https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Mafeking/
1300	Understanding the history of Mafeking camp presents special problems. For a brief period it had the highest death rate of any camp, in October 1901 reaching a staggering 4132.741 per thousand per annum for children under twelve, the MO calculated. Yet this mortality occurred in a camp which, immediately before that, had seemed relatively healthy. The disaster occurred shortly after the first visit of the Ladies Committee in August 1901, and they returned in November to try to understand what had happened. 
1301
1302	...Catastrophe struck with an influx of new arrivals from Taungs in the middle of August, bringing with them measles, whooping cough and typhoid. Taungs is even more remote than Mafeking so that it is surprising that the people were so sick.
1303
1304
1305
1306for second claim:
1307
1308
1309http://diginole.lib.fsu.edu/islandora/object/fsu:176437/datastream/PDF/view
1310	...There are broad health implications of the war which are beyond the scope of this study, but two items should be noted ñ First, that typhoid had become an endemic disease in South Africa in the decades prior to the war, present in the urban areas and on the veldt, among all groups, black and white. In conjunction with an inefficient sanitation infrastructure, no steps were taken to stop or mitigate the fouling of the drinking water. These two factors show that enteric fever was not imported into South Africa with the British troops.365
1311
1312	... Simpson, The Medical History of the War in South Africa, 2
1313
1314
1315Scott cites book by R.J.S. Simpson, who was an officer in the Boer war: https://www.the-saleroom.com/en-gb/auction-catalogues/morton-and-eden-ltd/catalogue-id-srmort10014/lot-fe143ed6-b2a7-4e07-ab25-a4a4010cbc13
1316
1317
1318next paragraph he cites this article:
1319
1320
1321https://academic.oup.com/shm/article-abstract/17/2/223/1656201
1322	The scale (involving some 450,000 British and Empire troops) and length of the Boer war make such comparisons difficult, as does the geographical context. Basic sanitation, nursing, and nutrition were developing rapidly, so that typhoid ‘by the end of the nineteenth century . . . was largely tamed’. 23 Furthermore, the historical comparisons led to some complacency: as typhoid raged in the military hospitals in Bloemfontein, Lord Roberts reported to the Queen: ‘The health of men too is very good. There are some 2,000 in hospital (at Bloemfontein) but this is only at the rate of four per cent, a very small proportion during a campaign.’ 24
1323
1324	The Geographical Context South Africa had different health characteristics from the ‘sub-tropical’ countries with which it is often compared. At the time, it was sometimes portrayed as a ‘health- giving area’, and even recommended as a Health Resort for ‘our teeming home population’ (‘the remarkable purity . . . light . . . amount of ozone . . . so far as climate goes, the nearest approach to residence in Paradise’). 25 Similarly, the distinction between health conditions in Africa and Europe was not clearcut, particularly after Charles Booth exposed the health conditions, life, and labour of the people of London, and Rowntree exposed those related to poverty in York in 1901. 2 6 
1325
1326	Overall, British troops stationed in South Africa had one of the best health records of overseas British troops, with comparable health to troops stationed in Great Britain. 27 However, the great climatic variety and geographical extent of South Africa make comparisons between Natal, the Cape, and the South African interior difficult. Analysis of health data within South Africa shows some signs of future disease problems. For example, there were typhoid outbreaks during the Zulu War and First Anglo-Boer War, though at rates 3–5 times lower than in other British campaigns, 28 and civilian measles outbreaks in Cape Town in 1789, 1806–7, 1839, 1852, 1861, and 1871. 29 These outbreaks became more frequent but less severe after 1852, and measles accounted for only 1.5 per cent of infant deaths in the Cape between 1896 and 1990.
1327
1328	Analysis of typhoid death rates among soldiers and measles mortality among civilians shows some warning of the later health problems (Figures 2c, 2d). Typhoid mortality rates among British soldiers in South Africa show an increasing trend from 1859, hidden by a decreasing overall mortality from all diseases (Figure 2c). Measles mortality increased fivefold among Europeans and Coloureds from 1898 to 1900. 3
1329
1330	...In conclusion, the historical and geographical contexts need to be evaluated with caution. The South African War fits into an overall trend of declining mortality among soldiers in the nineteenth century and in Africa. 35 By the end of the nine- teenth century ‘the old-age scourge of disease . . . had been lifted from armies’. 36 Yet significant military deaths occurred when modern mass armies operated in South Africa. Alongside this is the emerging pattern of disease mortality among refugees, which is the focus of this article.
1331
1332
1333This says Typhoid among soldiers was decreasing in South Africa and health conditions were getting better, and also that the Beor were exposed to measles.
1334
1335Why does Scott trust someone who might be complicit in the crime over the rest of his sources? He even admits that British gov sources were biased then doesn't question them anyway.
1336
1337How does this make sense? Historians don't believe Nazi or Communist sources unquestionably when investigating their crimes, so why do that here?
1338
1339Think Scott is a shill
1340
1341This is his masters thesis--why can't he read his own sources more than I can in a couple of days? And whenever Scott gets something wrong, the bias tends to be in favor of covering up the crime
1342
1343clearly, a lot of history books are written by shills--is this how a shill historian is born?
1344
1345
1346here is the professor who advised his thesis, Charles Upchurch:
1347
1348
1349http://diginole.lib.fsu.edu/islandora/object/fsu:176437/datastream/PDF/view
1350	ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 
1351	I would like to acknowledge the superb help of Dr. Charles Upchurch, guiding me in not  only my research of this thesis, but in mentoring this old soldier in the ways of academia.   I hope one day to make him proud.  As always, I thank my wife of 39 years, Mary Scott,  who is the light of my life and who showed me those things in life which re ally count ñ  through Christ.  She and Emily Hobhouse would have been fast friends, doubtless  working together in the camps.  
1352
1353
1354http://history.fsu.edu/person/charles-upchurch
1355
1356
1357Upchurch's book on Oscar Wilde or something:
1358
1359https://books.google.com/books?id=9v53RL_-qaIC&pg=PA266&lpg=PA266
1360	Through the scientific analysis of social problems, the Fabians put forward policies that went against mid-Victorian notions of character involving self-help and charity. Their ideas had gained prominence after Britain's spectacularly flawed performance during the Boer War revealed the extent to which urban poverty could undermine Britain's national power and prestige. Victorian arguments that industrial capitalism and the individual desire for self-improvement would eventually eliminate social problems, so long as the lower classes were not corrupted into indolence by handouts that would blunt their motivation to work, paled in the face of generations of intractable and growing poverty in the urban slums. It was with these radical reformers that Ellis and Symonds aligned. The reformers' criticims of mid-Victorian values exteneded to sexuality but was not limited to it.
1361
1362
1363his article I think on how to introduce kids to communism:
1364
1365https://www.historians.org/publications-and-directories/perspectives-on-history/march-2017/class-divide-when-students-resist-material-for-ideological-reasons-start-from-where-they-are
1366	Class Divide: When Students Resist Material for Ideological Reasons, Start from Where They Are
1367	Charles Upchurch, March 2017 
1368
1369	...One student, when called on for a comment, declared simply, “I am not a communist.” I explained that the point of the exercise was to allow him to understand the texts and ideas that had appealed to a great number of 19th-­century industrial workers, and that his personal beliefs should not stand in the way of that. He seemed unmoved. Other students wanted to argue against Marx from a present-day perspective, using language and examples drawn from current events and employing polemical rhetoric that seemed inspired by popular media outlets. A significant portion of the large class participated in the discussion and grounded their comments in the readings and the historical period, but many other students stayed silent, and a few felt compelled to defend their personal beliefs, which they thought were threatened by the material at hand. One student’s comment on a course evaluation, for a class that spanned a range of topics from the French Revolution to the First World War, was simply “less Marx, more Adam Smith.”
1370
1371
1372mostly good reviews by his students: http://www.ratemyprofessors.com/ShowRatings.jsp?tid=369545
1373
1374
1375	...There were any number of things that I could have done with that criticism, but I ultimately decided to embrace it. This did not mean abandoning my conviction, based on reading hundreds of books on European history, that Marx was essential for understanding 19th-­century Europe. But my course had no similar primary source reading for Adam Smith, in part because I prefer to assign complete books rather than excerpts, and Wealth of Nations is long. 
1376
1377	...This technique cannot be applied universally; for example, it should not be used to engage with individuals who are skeptical of the Holocaust as an established historical fact or who insist that slavery was a benign or even benevolent institution.
1378
1379
1380looks down on his students?
1381
1382who would read this? if other professors maybe would have a chilling effect on student-professor relationships
1383
1384	
1385	...Once, at a conference, a hostile questioner asked what common ground I would hope to find with the ideas of the late Pastor Fred Phelps, whose vitriolic denunciations of LGBTQ people included enormous, offensive signs carried by his followers outside funerals of people with AIDS and even service members who had died fighting for a country Phelps found decadent. Even if he were alive, I said, Phelps would never be in my classroom, but I do teach students who share his underlying view that God actively intervenes in his creation, rewarding the righteous and punishing the wicked. Thinking about these students influenced the way I developed courses on 17th-century England. I immersed myself in the details of a world in which the vast majority of people assumed God’s active intervention in his creation and accepted it.
1386
1387
1388I guess theme of his article is that some students in classes are brainwashed and should give special considerations to that
1389
1390
1391interview with him: http://www.tallahasseemagazine.com/March-April-2013/What-Would-the-Dowager-Do/
1392
1393more thesis advised on British foreign policy: 
1394
1395https://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu:253996/datastream/PDF/view
1396
1397http://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A181642
1398
1399https://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu:181640/datastream/PDF/view
1400	My advisor, Charles Upchurch encouraged me to broaden my understanding of the British Empire, which led to my decision to study Charles Gordon
1401
1402maybe another Nazi pretending to be communist?
1403
1404
1405https://books.google.com/books?id=9v53RL_-qaIC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Charles+Upchurch&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj80fzm2YPbAhWjpFkKHXG3BWEQ6AEIJjAA#v=onepage&q=Cecil%20Rhodes&f=false
1406
1407no mention of Rhodes in his book, unusual given his dual interest in British historical homosexuality and foreign policy
1408
1409understanding Cecil Rhodes sexuality actually important for figuring out how secret service types might have influenced him
1410
1411his book opens up that histiography of sex between men in Britain is not written about much before 1860's, so in that way would make sense that Rhodes doesn't get a mention, though talks about histography past that date up to early 20th century.
1412
1413
1414https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_6UYq8o9j2g
1415
1416
1417doesn't sound like psycopath in his speech
1418
1419research area of treatment of homosexuals among different classes in Britain might be something secret service types wouldn't want investigated given blackmail potential. In speech talking about someone saying they were blackmailed more homosexual acts ~16:20. Also talks about "small group of MPs" trying to change sodomy laws, homosexual sex scandals among British elite
1420
1421
1422reading his book vs this one at least can tell a difference where Upchurch's book seems more "real": https://books.google.com/books?id=_YA8CwAAQBAJ&pg=PA140&lpg=PA140
1423
1424
1425here said he got heckled for his idea of trying to find common ground with religious right (Upchurch does speeches at LBGT groups):
1426
1427https://www.historians.org/publications-and-directories/perspectives-on-history/march-2017/class-divide-when-students-resist-material-for-ideological-reasons-start-from-where-they-are
1428	...Once, at a conference, a hostile questioner asked what common ground I would hope to find with the ideas of the late Pastor Fred Phelps, whose vitriolic denunciations of LGBTQ people included enormous, offensive signs carried by his followers outside funerals of people with AIDS and even service members who had died fighting for a country Phelps found decadent. Even if he were alive, I said, Phelps would never be in my classroom, but I do teach students who share his underlying view that God actively intervenes in his creation, rewarding the righteous and punishing the wicked. Thinking about these students influenced the way I developed courses on 17th-century England. I immersed myself in the details of a world in which the vast majority of people assumed God’s active intervention in his creation and accepted it.
1429
1430
1431should take baseline on commie-leaning professors like Upchurch, might be "moderate" for a professor
1432
1433articles on same topic:
1434
1435https://www.nyu.edu/projects/ollman/docs/ssr_ch05.php
1436	Having taught both undergraduate and graduate courses on Marxism for almost a decade—mainly at New York University, but also at Columbia University, Union College, and the old Free University of New York—I would like to share with other Marxist teachers my experiences in dealing with these problems.
1437
1438	There are three main problems facing any university teacher of Marxism: the bourgeois ideology of most students
1439
1440	...The absence of a vital socialist movement makes most students approach Marxism too much in the spirit of another academic exercise, just as it confirms them in the belief—before study begins—that Marx's analysis cannot be correct.
1441
1442	...In my experience, the most troublesome notions have been students' egotistical and ahistorical conception of human nature;
1443
1444	...I originally thought that students who chose to take my course on Marxism—the department doesn't exist where this is a required course—would be relatively free of the worst effects of bourgeois ideology, ...but it has become clear that the great majority of my students—whatever the sense of adventure or morbid curiosity that bring them to class—suffer from most of the distortions mentioned above. 
1445
1446	...the need I feel to give special emphasis to Marx's theory of class struggle derives from the absolute inability of most students to think in these terms. Like most Americans, they slide in their thinking from the individual to 'everybody' 
1447
1448	...Given the position that so many students take of being against violence in the abstract, it is important that they realize that greater violence is done by capitalists and, indirectly, by those, like themselves, who permit the capitalists to continue their oppression.
1449
1450
1451http://www.academia.edu/4429892/_Shut_up._He_might_hear_you_Teaching_Marx_in_Social_Studies_Education
1452
1453
1454
1455still has passages like this:
1456
1457https://books.google.com/books?id=9v53RL_-qaIC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Charles+Upchurch&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj80fzm2YPbAhWjpFkKHXG3BWEQ6AEIJjAA#v=onepage&q=Boer&f=false
1458	The formulation has recently been criticized, but Week's original terminology is understandable given that so much of what we define as "modern" history stems from the time when the Enlightenment understanding of the self was directly tied to political consequences in the context of the French Revolution.
1459
1460
1461
1462what's going on with students he advises for theses?
1463
1464
1465http://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A176437
1466	British Concentration Camps of the Second South African War (The Transvaal, 1900-1902). 
1467
1468https://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu:253996
1469	British Foreign Policy and the Arab Rebellion in Palestine
1470
1471http://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A181642
1472	From "Masterly Inactivity" to Limited Autonomy: Afghanistan as a Catalyst for Liberal Imperialism.
1473
1474https://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu:181640/
1475	Gordon's Ghosts: British Major-General Charles George Gordon and His Legacies, 1885-1960. 
1476
1477http://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A360543
1478	The Cost of a Moral Army Masculinity and the Construction of a Respectable British Army 1850-1885. 
1479
1480
1481
1482http://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A180889
1483	"And They'll March with Their Brothers to Freedom": Cumann na Mban, Nationalism, and Women's Rights in Ireland, 1900-1923. 
1484
1485http://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A253321
1486	Patronage, Public Spheres and the Problem of Female Rule: Henry Howard and the Politics of Writing in Sixteenth Century England.
1487
1488
1489
1490http://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A168720
1491	Baptist Missions in the British Empire: Jamaica and Serampore in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century. 
1492
1493http://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A253858
1494	"Chosen Race": Baptist Missions and Mission Churches in the East and West Indies, 1795-1875. 
1495
1496
1497
1498http://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A181845
1499	Empire of the Mind: Subscription Libraries, Literacy & Acculturation in the Colonies of the British Empire. 
1500
1501
1502of theses he directed, 5 about foreign policy/army, 2 about gender theory, 2 about baptist missions to the indies, and one about libraries in British colonies
1503
1504
1505on "John L. Scott"
1506
1507http://diginole.lib.fsu.edu/islandora/object/fsu:176437/datastream/PDF/view
1508
1509wife Mary Scott, married in 1968
1510
1511got MA in History from FSU in 2007
1512
1513Upchurch directed thesis, Neil Betten and Michael Creswell were other committee members
1514
1515	
1516	...And finally, it is dedicated to  Lieutenant Colonel Roger Alvin Poore, a British soldier of the South African War, who I  met standing before his gravestone in the cathedral at Salisbury.  He died leading his  battalion in the Battle of Passchendale in the First World War, another o f the young men,  women and children whose lives were cut short by the arrogance, greed and quest for  power by the monarchies, dictatorships, and democracies of the twentieth century.  I hope  this thesis gives a voice to the dead of the concentration camps.
1517
1518
1519dedicated thesis to soldier Roger Alvin Poore who's grave he visited (why?)
1520
1521	
1522	...I would like to acknowledge the superb help of Dr. Charles Upchurch, guiding me in not only my research of this thesis, but in mentoring this old soldier in the ways of academia.  I hope one day to make him proud.  As always, I thank my wife of 39 years, Mary Scott, who is the light of my life and who showed me those things in life which really count ñ through Christ.  She and Emily Hobhouse would have been fast friends, doubtless working together in the camps.  
1523
1524
1525said Upchurch guided him in research and mentored him in "ways of academica." Says he and his wife are christian. Last sentence interesting if Scott understood Hobhouse to be duplicitous.
1526
1527conclusion opens with this quote:
1528
1529	...I think one could make a case of manslaughter.  I doubt that you could succeed with genocide, but [it was] manslaughter on a massive scale, against the most vulnerable of Ö the population, the women and children.  [There was] intent, yes.  [The British] saw there was disease, rampant disease in each camp, 41 camps across the country.  There was a central command that received all the statistics and saw this happening. This was a nation dying, why did they not do something about it immediately? The only reasonable inference one can make is that they didnít want to deal with it.
1530
1531	Colin Steyn Great-grandson of President M.T. Steyn
1532
1533
1534cites to "scorched earth" book from 2001 based on documentary with same name: https://www.amazon.com/Scorched-Earth-FransJohan-Pretorius/dp/0798141921
1535
1536guess this sums of point of Scott's thesis, "not murder, manslaughter." Says toward beginning "While I find no evidence of premeditated intent to commit mass murder or genocide, I have found an intent to clear the Boers and natives off the Transvaal veldt, and subsequent intent to remove them from South Africa both physically and as a political force"
1537
1538	
1539	...The Boer families were the only ìenemyî the British could find, fix and defeat.  They had to fight and defeat someone, otherwise what were the 250,000 soldiers supported by the British taxpayers going to do? 
1540
1541	...Although the practices adopted by the British did have precedents in past wars, they were the first great power after the Hague Conventions to bring multiple methods of coercion to bear on noncombatants; the first to violate the principles of a modern covenant on war. The Germans were to soon adopt many of the British measures against noncombatants, specifically in 1903 against the Hereos in West Africa, which has been classified as a genocide. Later in the 1930ís the Naziís first concentrated political opponents and finally the Jews in Europe.  The British official position is their actions were justified by the nature of the war, and that they simply adopted practices which had been used against noncombatants in previous wars, namely the American Civil War and the Franco-Prussian War (and the Cuban Insurrection).  The point here is that they furthered the emerging European concept that war against women and children is legal and justified; they didnít stop the precedent; instead they accelerated and legitimized its adoption.   
1542
1543
1544John L. Scott: bio-warfare and genocide an accident, everyone does it
1545
1546
1547last part of thesis:
1548
1549	...Hannah Arendt provides an appropriate quote describing the actions of the British lords, generals and bureaucrats in the war: 
1550
1551		The fact that the ìwhite manís burdenî is either hypocrisy or racism has not prevented a few of the best Englishmen from shouldering the burden in earnest and making themselves the tragic and quixotic fools of imperialism. 554
1552
1553	Emily Hobhouse ends her book, The Brunt of the War, with these prophetic words: 
1554
1555		England, by the hands of Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener, adopted the policy of Spain, while improving upon her methods.  She has placed her seal upon an odious system.  It is to be a precedent for future wars, or is it to be denounced not merely by one party, but by every humane person of every creed and every tongue ... It ought to become a fixed principle with the English people that no General acting in their name should ever again resort to measures of such a nature. ... It is cruel in the present, and inconceivably foolish in regard to the future ... If we allow it to continue the full responsibility will be ours.555     
1556
1557	Emily Hobhouseís prophecy came true, when in the 1930s Western Europe began to pay the price for the British arrogance, racism and atrocities of the South African War.  The British government knowingly allowed the camps to be established, failed to hold its generals accountable for thousands of noncombatant deaths, and should accept full responsibility for the horrifying precedent it set for the future.  
1558
1559
1560apparently problem was that British empire got blamed for it? explains rise of Soviets a bit I think
1561
1562biographical sketch of Scott:
1563
1564
1565	...John Scott received his Bachelors Degree in History from the Florida State University in 1968. He served thirty-five years in the United States Army as a platoon leader in the Viet Nam War; a company commander through battalion commander; and commanded at the Colonel and Major General levels. He is a graduate of the Army War College at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and retired from the Army in 2003. He then enrolled in the Florida State graduate program in History, where this thesis was written. Mr. Scott plans to teach History and write a book on the concentration camps of the South African War. He is currently in the fourth year of a five year Catholic Church Diaconate program. His goal is to become an ordained minister of the Church. He is married to the former Mary Alyce Hill of Pensacola, Florida and has three children. 
1566
1567
1568got B.S. in history from FSU 1968, platoon leader in Vietnam, became colonel and major general, also went to army war college, retired from Army in 2003 and did this thesis. Wants to write book on Boer war and in catholic school to become minister.
1569
1570
1571what is context of this being written?
1572
1573interest in Boer war high around 2004 (edge of data): https://trends.google.com/trends/explore?date=all&q=Boer%20war
1574
1575"schorched earth" documentary came out 2000: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kz2FoHyVpRE
1576
1577was 100th anniversry of war
1578
1579https://www.irishtimes.com/news/brutal-boer-war-left-a-bitter-special-legacy-1.237200
1580
1581says this book ground breaking: https://books.google.com/books/about/Black_People_and_the_South_African_War_1.html?id=0yGoqJ-Nft4C , written 1983, I guess first popular book about black people fighting in Boer war
1582
1583S. B. Spies wrote on the black concentration camps around that time
1584
1585
1586these docs reported on or "discovered" Dec 2001:
1587
1588https://www.theguardian.com/world/2001/dec/09/paulharris.theobserver
1589	British officials considered launching a publicity campaign to cover up the true conditions of concentration camps in which thousands of women and children died during the Boer War, new documents have revealed.
1590
1591	An archive of letters and photographs owned by Major Sir Hamilton Goold-Adams, a colonial official in South Africa, has come to light. The documents, to be auctioned this week, contain hitherto unknown confidential letters from Lord Milner, the man charged with sorting out the disastrous South African camps after news of their conditions had been exposed in Britain.
1592
1593	The letters reveal that the black arts of media manipulation were not just a feature of the modern political age. In one letter, Milner appears to suggest that ways of playing down the horror of the camps.
1594
1595	'It is impossible not to see that, however blameless we may be in the matter, we shall not be able to make anybody think so, and I cannot avoid an uncomfortable feeling that there must be some way to make the thing a little less awfully bad if one could only think of it,' he wrote.
1596
1597	In another letter Milner talks about trying to gather as many sympathetic statistics and figures as possible and passing them promptly back to the government to use in a media campaign. 
1598
1599	...Some of the correspondence reveals the horrific death rate the camps caused. One letter, written at the end of 1901, lamented the fact that the death rate among young children in the camps was still not dropping. 'The theory that, all the weakly children being dead, the rate would fall off is not so far borne out by the facts,' Milner wrote. 'The strong ones must be dying now and they will all be dead by the spring of 1903.' 
1600
1601	...'I thought that we had begun to turn the corner and that after having reached unparalleled heights of mortality in October we should now show a heavy decline. Unfortunately, the figures have risen again alarmingly,' Milner wrote. 
1602
1603
1604docs went up for auction not sure where they went
1605
1606interesting Milner wrote this, so far comes off as more of a dupe
1607
1608
1609https://www.economist.com/node/325163
1610
16111999 economist article of propaganda value of the war to the Boer, black concentration camps being "rediscovered" (names Stowell Kessler)
1612
1613	...In 1897, Alfred Milner, governor of the Cape colony, wrote of the coming struggle with the Boers: “You have only to sacrifice the nigger absolutely and the game is easy.”
1614
1615
1616Milner was guy who said that
1617
1618	
1619	...Mindful of the variety of interests different readers will take in South Africa's past, publishers have come out with a range of Boer war books, old and new. Besides the classic histories, such as Thomas Pakenham's and Rayne Kruger's, there are new editions of contemporary accounts, of which the most gripping is Deneys Reitz's “Commando”. This is an unusually fair-minded memoir by one of a band of 200 mounted guerrillas, led by Jan Smuts, later South Africa's prime minister, who evaded capture against outrageous odds. Reitz survived three years of fighting, horrified but buoyant enough to quote Dickens to the wounded British officers he met on the battlefield. Also worth perusing is Giles Foden's “Ladysmith”, a novel loosely based on the experiences of the author's great-grandfather at the siege of that town. Mr Foden deftly weaves both Gandhi and Churchill into the tale, and imagines what they might have thought of each other.
1620
1621
1622author plugs "Command," which came out in 1929 but republished multiple times, and "Ladysmith," novel written 1999
1623
1624
1625Scott in intro talks about more books being published in 60's and 70's, says Spies and Warrick book important, then says Pretorius Scorched Earth and Kessler books important
1626
1627
1628	...The third and last grouping of historical works coincides with the centenary of the war and represents not only an expansion of the research by Pakenham, Warwick and Spies, but also contains new, significant work on the gender, race and social aspects of the war.  Examples of these studies are Writing a Wider War, edited by Greg Cuthbertson, Albert Grundlingh, and Mary-Lynn Suttie, which provides essays on the roles of African tribes in the war, gender, women and disease, and British nursing in South Africa.17  In addition, journal articles such as Paula Krebsís ìThe Last of the Gentlemenís Wars: Women in the Boer War Concentration Camp Controversyî, published in 1992, served to highlight the role of women in the conflict.18  This last grouping of historical works ends in about 2003 with the publications of two South African historians, Fransjohan Pretorius and Stowell Kessler, whose scholarship has served to further document the role of natives in the conflict and brings the native concentration camps into clearer perspective.  Pretoriusí book, Scorched Earth (2001), represents the latest account on the war and the camps in particular and highlights the plight of native and Afrikaner families in the conflict.19  Kesslerís work in the archives of the Transvaal has yielded a better appreciation of the native concentration camps, and verified a new, higher number of native deaths. 
1629
1630
1631groups Kessler and Pretorius books with gender-queer theory analysis of the war (or something like that)--is that accurate?
1632
1633article mentioning Kessler, 1999:
1634
1635https://www.theguardian.com/theobserver/1999/oct/10/focus.news
1636	It was once called the last gentleman's war - until the deaths of tens of thousands of Afrikaner women and children in British concentration camps nailed the first myth of the Boer War. As a changed South Africa prepares to mark tomorrow's hundredth anniversary of the outbreak of the war, the notion that it was a white man's conflict is also being challenged. The spotlight has fallen on the black men who fought on the front line, and on the black children sacrificed in the camps.
1637
1638	Yesterday President Thabo Mbeki unveiled a memorial next to recently discovered black Boer War graves in the Free State town of Brandfort. Blacks fought and died in large numbers for the British army in the conflict. They worked as scouts, wagon drivers and spies. And 120,000 were herded into concentration camps where one in six perished.
1639
1640
1641"recently discovered" black contentration camp graves around 1999
1642
1643
1644	...For decades, evidence that black people also suffered in the camps was quietly shunned by an Afrikaner establishment keen to perpetuate the vision of Boer martyrdom. But the identification of dozens of black concentration camp sites, and new figures which suggest that their inmates died as fast as those in white camps, is finally laying to rest one of the Boer War's most abiding myths.
1645
1646	Nearly 28,000 Afrikaners succumbed to starvation, disease and exposure in the camps as the British army razed thousands of farm houses to deny the Boer commandos support in the bush. The immense suffering they caused helped drive the National Party to victory in 1948 and provided a justification for apartheid.  
1647
1648
1649apartheid ended early 1990s
1650
1651
1652	...An American historian, Stowell Kessler, has led the field in recent research, uncovering a number of black camps. He has run into resistance from white communities and historians not keen to acknowledge blacks might have suffered equally.
1653
1654	'Many people have tried to argue that the blacks' camps were labour camps, that the conditions weren't so bad, because they don't want to recognise that there was equal suffering. In the black camps there were often no tents, no shelter. Rations were very different. A half pound of meat for whites; quarter pound for blacks, if it was available.'
1655
1656	Black camps were said to have a lower death rate. Yet, at its peak, the black death rate rose to 372 per thousand inmates, 28 above the white. 
1657
1658
1659Kessler did some field research on the black conentration camps, uncovering their sites
1660
1661
1662	...The black concentration camp cemetery was only rediscovered two years ago. It is overgrown and unmarked. Eric Manzi, Aliwal North's mayor, wants to see a more visible memorial. 'Our people think whatever monument there is must be on equal standard as the memorial for the Afrikaner people that suffered in that war. We must be part of the history.
1663
1664	'The Afrikaner community has not yet come out and appreciated the participation of black people in that war. As long as the Afrikaner community think they are the only people who suffered in war, we have a problem.'
1665
1666	In 1913, Emily Hobhouse wrote a speech for the unveiling of a memorial. In it she pleads for all those who died in the camps to be remembered. 'Does not justice bid to remember today how many thousands of the dark race perished also in the concentration camps in a quarrel that was not theirs?'
1667
1668	It was not to be for eight decades.
1669
1670
1671
1672Scott also says on Kessler:
1673
1674
1675https://www.theguardian.com/theobserver/1999/oct/10/focus.news
1676	...These and other records in that depot and other archives in South Africa were used by Spies (1977) and more recently by Kessler and Pretorius in researching their latest accounts of the camps.  These records are not on microfilm or fiche, and my attempts to obtain them have been unsuccessful.  However, any further work in this area must access the records, along with the records of the Military Governor of Pretoria, Department of Refugees, and the Native Refugee Department, which administered the African camps.  This study therefore has utilized secondary source journals, books and papers of authors who have used the archives and have included findings and data from the archival material in their works.   
1677
1678	...Kitchenerís order No. 29 clearly states the reasons for the removal of Africans from the veldt and into camps ñ it was part of the military strategy adopted to win the guerilla war.  Movement of Africans into camps was not done for humane reasons as some have argued, or solely for the creation of a labor pool.  It was only after the stream of Africans from the veldt into the camps, town or cities began that the Armyís need for auxiliaries was matched with the available African labor pool.226
1679
1680	...226 Kessler writes that it was military necessity which moved the natives into camps.  He makes a convincing argument quoting British documents.  But, in this authorís retrospect, the British never did anything to or for the natives unless they had a motive involved, usually exploitation.  In this case, it was labor for the British Army.  Kessler, in my opinion, relies too much on printed words and not enough on the intent of the English.  They wanted labor and therefore kept the African camps under Army control, even after the Afrikaner camps went under civilian control.  The DNRís main purpose, I believe, was to supply manpower to the Army. See later paragraphs and De Lotbiniereís input.    
1681
1682	...The first central office to organize the Africans for labor was the Army Labour Depot in Johannesburg, established by the British when they occupied the city on 31 May 1900.  The British had opened similar depots in De Ar and Bloemfontein on their march northwards.  Arriving in Johannesburg, the Army found 15,000 natives guarding the mines, abandoned by the Afrikaners.  Some 6,000 of these workers were used by the Army for logistical support, with the promise that they would return to the mines when they were reopened.230
1683
1684	...230 Kessler, 129. Kessler has done extensive research in the archives, specifically in the files of the DNR.  Most of our knowledge of the native camps comes from this relatively new research, and this study draws heavily on it.
1685
1686	...The situation in the native camps of the Transvaal in many ways mirrored the plight of the inmates of the Afrikaner camps.  However, there was no Emily Hobhouse to bring their horrible living conditions to the British public.  Still under military control, where they would remain until warís end, it becomes obvious the army ran the separate native camp system primarily as a ìpoolî for labor, not for humanitarian purposes, and certainly not for purely military reasons, as many historians propose.293
1687
1688	...293 Kessler and Pretorious quote British documents, but give too much weight to the words of Kitchener and not enough weight to the actual statements from the person in charge of the native camps (De lotbinere), who states the purpose for the native camps was to provide labor to the Army, once the mines were up and working again and the natives had left the Army employment and returned to their jobs in Johannesburg and other mining towns. If the camps were humanely proposed then why did the British devastate the native kraals on the veldt?  To this researcher, it was labor first, and military necessity as a supporting argument as to why the native camps were established. 
1689
1690	... Mortality rates were as high or higher than the Afrikaner camps.  Although official returns from the native camps are spotty, recent work by Stowell Kessler and other South African historians in the archives of the Native Refugee Department, has shed light on the reported and actual number of deaths, causes, and trends.  As stated earlier in this study, it is now recognized that at least 20,000 natives died in the concentration camps.  This does not include the deaths in the period before the Native Refugee Department came into being, the deaths from natives displaced from farms or kraals and living in squalor along the railways before the camps were established, nor deaths as natives were transported (or walked) from the veldt to the camps.  As many of these forced deportations occurred in the cold winter months of July and August, the death totals are undoubtedly higher.  The statistics in the official ìBlue Booksî released by the British government are grossly inaccurate.307
1691
1692	...307 Only 7,000 native camp deaths are in the incomplete official records, and Pakenham estimated some 12,000 in his Boer War (518).  Peter Warwick estimated 14,000 in his Black People and the South African War.  Stowell Kessler, with careful reconstruction of sources indicates 20,000 is the more correct figure.  Again, this does not count deaths from the farms and veldt to the camps, in the settlements along the railways, and those who simply fled to the vastness of the veldt.
1693
1694	... Measles epidemics in South Africa in the nineteenth century were infrequent but lethal.  However, by the 1870s outbreaks in the Cape Colony appeared to have diminished in lethality.  Some historians propose the British could not have expected a devastating epidemic in the camps, yet this is quest ionable.440  More than a few British doctors were aware the Afrikaners were vulnerable, as Dr. G. Pratt Yule notes: ì... it seems as if the Dutch by their long sojourn in South Africa and the isolation of their dwellings had practically lost this immunity ... as is abundantly shown by the extremely malignant type the disease (measles) assumes in the camp.î441
1695
1696	...440 Bruce Fetter and Stowell Kessler, ìScars from a Childhood Disease,î Social Science History 20, no.4 1996): 597.  This statement can be challenged.  The British medical establishment knew the mechanics of the spread of measles from its own experience in Britainís large cities.  The questions are:  Did the medical authorities report the risk? And more importantly, if they did, what did the leadership of the British army do with this information? 
1697
1698	...We know that Boers who had surrendered were initially kept in the Cape Colony detention camps and then allowed to go north into the concentration camps to be with their families.  This could have been the impetus for the outbreak of measles which would ravage the camps.442
1699
1700	...442 Fetter and Kessler, ìScars from a Childhood Disease,î 595-597.
1701
1702	...The transport of Boer families from the Transvaal camps into the Natal camps and movement of individuals from one camp to another further exacerbated the spread of the disease. 444
1703
1704	...444 Fetter and Kessler, ìScars from a Childhood Disease,î 601. 
1705
1706	...     Research by historian Stowell Kessler in the archives of the Native Refugee Department indicates the main causes of deaths were directly linked to the appalling conditions in overcrowded camps.  The hasty establishment of the camps often led to unsanitary conditions, and an acute shortage of tents within the native camps (as well as the Afrikaner camps) contributed heavily to the high death toll.  Kessler writes:
1707
1708		To save 10,000 pounds a month and to provide black labor to the Army Departments the women and children in the ORC and the Transvaal black camps were moved in open railway trucks and by ox wagons to abandoned farms in the areas of high rainfall.  ... no preparations for medical service, housing or sanitary facilities appear to have been made. ...This move, and its aftermath, were responsible for these deaths. ... the move itself did not result in the major portion of the deaths. ... I believe the lack of housing and sanitary facilities were the problem.500     
1709
1710	Kesslerís conclusions are that the British Army knew the risk to the natives as they were concentrated into substandard living conditions and that military decisions were made ìirrespectiveî of the expected result.501  In reading the available material it becomes evident that the stated reasons for the establishment of the native camps was military necessity (the same reason given for the Afrikaner camps).  However, it also becomes clear  that having men, women and children readily available for cheap labor in the Army, mines, local towns, or camps, became the chief reason why the native camps were maintained and why the Army never gave up controlto the civilian government.  
1711
1712	...500 Stowell Kessler, ìThe Black Concentration Camps of the Anglo-Boer War 1899-1902,î142-143.  Kesslerís work in the archives has not only increased our validated count of native deaths in the camps to 20,000, but has highlighted where data is not available.  There is no detailed record of causes of deaths in the DNR records.  But the archives do show that as late as February, 1902, some camps lacked adequate housing and inmates were expected to find materials and construct their own dwellings. 
1713
1714
1715Kessler did original field research on British black concentration camps, updated death toll, published book on it
1716
1717Kessler's book important, Scott thesis maybe a reaction to it
1718
1719
1720https://books.google.com/books?id=ifb2MwEACAAJ&sitesec=buy&source=gbs_atb
1721
1722https://www.amazon.com/gp/search?index=books&linkCode=qs&keywords=9781874979449  
1723
1724https://www.barnesandnoble.com/noresults/9781874979449
1725
1726http://www.booksamillion.com/product/9781874979449
1727
1728why isn't Kessler's book on amazon or barnes and noble?
1729
1730
1731Scott cites: 
1732
1733Stowell V. Kessler, ìThe black concentration camps of the Anglo-Boer War, 1899-1902: Shifting the paradigm from sole martyrdom to mutual suffering,î Historia 1, no. 44 (1999: 137. 
1734
1735or as
1736
1737500 Stowell Kessler, ìThe Black Concentration Camps of the Anglo-Bo
1738er War 1899-1902,î142-143.  
1739
1740
1741and also Kessler and Fetter paper on measles
1742
1743Kessler did a lot of research on the Boer war: http://www.worldcat.org/search?q=au%3AKessler%2C+Stowell.&qt=hot_author
1744
1745in references puts this:
1746
1747Kessler, Stowell. ìThe Black Concentration Camps of the Anglo-Boer War 1899-1902.î Historia 1, no. 44 (1999): 110-147. 
1748
1749so I think citing research paper by Kessler, which was turned into a book later with same name.
1750
1751
1752------
1753
1754this is Kessllers paper:
1755
1756https://journals.co.za/content/hist/44/1/EJC37938
1757
1758https://www.scribd.com/document/379190506/The-black-concentration-camps-of-the-Anglo-Boer-War-1899-1902-Shifting-the-paradigm-from-sole-martyrdom-to-mutual-suffering
1759
1760opens with going over Afrikaner culture, Puritains and Plymouth, manifest destiny people, Cecil Rhodes, Josepher Chamberlain, and Lord Milner all having same or similar idea that they were chosen people for a mission and their mission involved exterminating natives 
1761
1762among Afrikaner culture there was idea that they were "chosen people of God"
1763	
1764	F.A Van Jaarsveld opened a lecture to the Afrikaans Cultural Council of Pretoria, almost four decades ago, with these words:
1765
1766		At the present time one is frequently confronted with assertion that the Afrikaner people has been assigned to a place in the southern corner of Africa for a 'purpose' and to fulfil 'a mission.'
1767
1768	Concomitant with this idea of the Afrikaner and his calling and mission is the idea that the Afrikaners are jujst like Old Israel, i.e. a chosen people of God. Van Jaarsveld saw the sacred history of the Afrikaners as a series of suffering events experienced by the Afrikaner people, and out of which arose a belief in themselves as the Chosen People of God, called to a mission. It was because of their suffering that they knew that they were the chosen people.
1769
1770
1771this where Boer propaganda about the concentration camps comes in? title refers to it, that myth was "sole martyrdom" used to justify ideas of Boer superiority when truth was "mutual suffering"
1772
1773	...Cecil Rhodes, Joseph Chamberlain and Lord Alfred Milner were all "British Race Patriots". In the Confession of Cecil Rhodes is a statement that both Chamberlain and Milner could easily adopted as their own confession:
1774
1775		I contend that we are the finest race in the world and the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race.
1776
1777	Thus Rhodes' dream of a railway from the Cape to Cairo and Milner's resettlement program. It was the deeply held belief of many British imperialists that the beautiful African continent should be populated by the only race that was worthy of it. As Rhodes expressed it:
1778
1779		The one race approached God's ideal type, his own Anglo-Saxon race.
1780
1781	Thus he urged the Cape Parliament 'to annex land not natives.' Lord Herbert Kitchener recommended that the Boer people be sent to Mozambique or Ceylon to eliminate them from South Africa.
1782
1783
1784so far get impression that somebody doesn't want this guy to write the book on the black concentration camps.
1785
1786Scott trashed him a bit in his thesis, saying Kessler was too lenient on the British in arguing the British made the concentration camps out of military necessity, and Scott sort-of chastises him for that saying "Kessler relies too much on printed words, in my opinion camps were for labor" and implies that Kessler argued camps were "humanely proposed." But so far it sounds like Kessler is arguing the intent of the camps was genocide right off the bat.
1787
1788Then Scott writes something like "intent wasn't genocide, it was to remove the africans" (?) and goes off to write his book...
1789
1790
1791	...This history looks back to the Great Trek, and particularly to the Battle of Blood River, as the Sitz im Leben where the call to be the chosen people of God was given to the Afrikaners.
1792
1793
1794this is important--Boer seemed to matter to some propagandists like Stead, a big world-reaching propaganda campaign came about that helped white-wash their crimes, rumors of "Boer secret-service money" backing Stead in parliament.
1795
1796De Wet got popularity and sympathy from British press, Churchill captured by them and somehow escaped, Jan Smuts eventually hot-shot in British gov.
1797
1798After the war think what happened is British gov more or less put Boer back in control of things. Relationship between Rhodes and Boer also interesting, with some (how many?) apparently liking him.
1799
1800pg 3 says no evidence early Voortrekkers thought themselves chosen people, though were Biblical fundamentalists. Weren't very religious at first,
1801
1802	...Rather, I have argued in another place, following Andre du Toit, that this concept that they were a chosen people of God is a backward projection of neo-Calvinism, particularly that of Abraham Kuyper of the Free University of Amersterdam as expressed by his former students and followers in South Africa.
1803
1804
1805Abraham Kuyper and his students said to be influential in promoting "Boers chosen by God" idea
1806
1807https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abraham_Kuyper
1808	Abraham Kuijper (/ˈkaɪpər/; Dutch: [ˈaːbraːɦɑm ˈkœypər]; 29 October 1837 – 8 November 1920), generally known as Abraham Kuyper, was Prime Minister of the Netherlands between 1901 and 1905, an influential neo-Calvinist theologian and also a journalist. He established the Reformed Churches in the Netherlands, which upon its foundation became the second largest Reformed denomination in the country behind the state-supported Dutch Reformed Church.
1809
1810	...As well as Kuyper's profound influence upon European Christian-Democrat politics up to the present, his political theology was also crucial in the history of South Africa. His legacy in South Africa is arguably even greater than within the Netherlands. There, his Christian-National conception, centred upon the identification of the Afrikaner Calvinist community as the kern der natie became a rallying position for the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk. As Christian-Nationalists, Kuyper's adherents in South Africa were instrumental in the building of Afrikaner cultural, political and economic institutions to restore Afrikaner fortunes following the Boer War, which ultimately led to Apartheid.[8]
1811
1812	Saul Dubow notes that Kuyper advocated "the commingling of blood" as "the physical basis for all higher development" in the Stone Lectures (1898). Harinck argues that "Kuyper was not guided by the cultural racism of his day, but by his Calvinistic creed of human equality".[9]
1813
1814	Kuyper's legacy includes a granddaughter, Johtje Vos, who is noted for having sheltered many Jews in her home in the Netherlands from the Nazis. After World War II she moved to New York City.[10] Conversely, Kuyper's son Professor H. H. Kuyper, a supporter of Afrikaner Nationalism and colour racism, was a wartime Nazi collaborator and his grandson joined the Waffen SS and died on the Russian front.
1815
1816
1817Kuyper was journalist, Netherlands PM and established new church, big among Afrikaners where they picked up his idea of christian nationalism, his adherents built up (or changed?) afrikaners after first Boer war and led to Apartheid.
1818
1819Saul Dubow and Harnick say he's not that racist and wikipedia points out his granddaughter helped Jews escape holocaust. However, his other grandkid was a Nazi for the SS. 
1820
1821
1822more on Kuyper:
1823
1824https://books.google.com/books?id=IMqvCwAAQBAJ&pg=PR12#v=onepage&q=Kuyper&f=false
1825	One might call him the leader of Holland's second reformation. He has, indeed, been admiringly referred to as 'a second Calvin' and the 'Dutch Pope'.
1826
1827	Kuyper became a potent force among twentieth-century Afrikaner intellectuals, and his theological influence became all-important for the biggest church, the Nederuiste Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK), and the Gereformeede Kerk (GK), which was a direct offshoot of his own Gereformeerde Kerken. He idealised the Boers, strongly feeling the 'pull of blood' towards his God-fearing Dutch kith-and-kin. Kuyper befriended President Paul Kruger of the Transvaal Republic and championed its cause during the two Anglo-Boer wars. He led a vigorous pro-Boer campaign in Europe during the second Boer war (1899-1902) and wrote The South African Crisis (1900), which set out the Afrikaner's case against Britain. Despite their defeat Kuyper remained optimistic, proclaiming that South Africa would eventually come into Boer possession provided that they never abandoned the Reformed faith of their fathers.
1828
1829	According to Kuyperian thought God is sovereign, transcendent and absolute, permitting no rival idols, such as state or people, Liberalism, modernism, humanism, Marxism, individualism, rationalism; all are creeds which deify anthropocentric entities, such as humankind, class or human reason (rather than revelation).
1830
1831
1832Boer kindof like conquistadors? "Dutch Pope" gives Boer special religious blessing with special religion that shuns reasoning; in conquista religious reasons sometimes cited for atrocities (missionaries burning records, Pizarro making Inca survivors stand in field of corpses and hold crosses)
1833
1834	
1835	...According to Kuyper, God's special grace fell on believers; but he also loved the profane world and non-believers, who could enjoy divine grace ('common grace'). Kuyper thus abolished the barrier between sacred and secular. Calvinists did not need to shun the sinful world; they should go out and rescue it. For the glory of God they should consecrate and redeem politics, culture, economics, and so forth. Indeed, Kuyper strongly resented 1789's exclusion of Calvinists from state and politics. He maintained that Calvinists had a positive duty to let their influence be felt everywhere as the salvationist and fertilising core of the nation.
1836
1837	...Kuyper seemed to open the way to Christian totalitarianism: an authoritarian state and ideologically monolithic society, obedient to a single uniform set of Christian norms.
1838
1839
1840Kuyper resented separation of church and state, encouraged followers to get involved in politics. Set things up for "christain totalitarianism" I guess like Catholic church.
1841
1842had theories of political organization too, his theories could sustain a pro- or anti-democracy interpretation
1843
1844	
1845	...Kuyper's son, Professor H.H. Kuyper, for example, a noted right-winger who supported Afrikaner Nationalism and colour racism, eventually became a wartime Nazi collaborator. Kuyper's grandsom died fighting with the SS on the Russian front in the Second World War. A one-time protege, Professor Hugh Visscher, became advisor to the Dutch Nazi Party in 1937.
1846
1847
1848sounds like a fucking Nazi to me! (why did wiki article point out Nazi grandson but not this?)
1849
1850
1851	Others, however, like Dr. J.J. Buskes (one of the student pallbearers at Kuyper's funeral), became socialists and early critics of apartheid. Notably, Dr Bruins Slot, hailed in his obituary as 'Juyper's successor', was editor of Trouw, the Calvinist daily newspaper which as consistently expressed its opposition to apartheid.
1852
1853
1854this worth looking into more--did these socialists "help" oppose apartheid like communists "helped" African-American civil rights?
1855
1856	
1857	...Admission to the nation was by way of baptism, not blood. However, he occasionally waxed lyrical about the Dutch race's qualities, and its mystical blood ties with Boers.
1858
1859	According to Kuyper, God created a diversity of races, colours and cultures which humans should recognise as part of reality. His views on race were conventionally conservative, though they varied to the point of self-contradiction. On the one hand, he praised the superiority of the white northern 'civilisers' over black 'primitiveness', and he scared American audiences with hints of a coming black uprising. He once declared that 'the life of the coloured races on the coast and in the interior of Africa [is] a far lower form of existence, reminding us not of a lake, but rather of pools and marshes.' In his writings, Kuyper is nowhere critical of the Boer race attitudes, tacitly accepting them as part and parcel of Calvinist democracy. On the other hand, he felt - referring presumably to Europe and Asia - that intermarriage could improve the human stock. Groups who contributed most to human development were not those who remained isolated - such as Scandinavians, Slavs, and Mongolians - but those who 'commingled' blood, and so developed into a richer type. Calvinism, he believed, encouraged and provided conditions for 'the mingling of blood.'
1860
1861
1862Kuyper sometimes talk about Ducth race qualities and mystical blood ties with Boers, praised white superiority over "lower lifeform" black Africans. Also proponent of intermarrying which is creepy in context (did Boer tend to be psycopaths?)
1863
1864
1865	...It should be noted that one of Kuyper's justifications for 'pluriformity' (as opposed to Catholic uniformity) is the concept of racial diversity, and this became central to the Afrikaans churches' defence of rigid ethnic segregation of believers. Yet Afrikaners have agonised over Kuyper's apparent endosrement of 'commingling' and have decided, probably correctly, that he was not referring to South African conditions when he uttered it.
1866
1867
1868Kuyper's ideas important in justification of apartheid. Afrikaners "agonised" over his endorsement of 'comlingling' and decided it didn't apply to South Africa
1869
1870Kuyper supported democacy and (I think?) condemmed slavery. He was very opposed to socialists and "mourned 1917 as an even bigger catastrophe for mankind than 1789." He was very right-leaning but was aware of urban poor and proposed some social reforms which wre progressive for the time.
1871
1872
1873	...Committed as he was to the Dutch Empire, Kuyper felt that the Dutch were not in Indonesia as ruthless profiteers, but should uplift their subject natives and, having done so, ought to withdraw. there was no moral basis for naked exploitation of colonial peoples. This contrasts strikingly with Afrikaner supremacists attitudes of the period, and perhaps foreshadows the 'tribal homelands' policy of the 1960s. Yet his nationalism often sounded like neo-imperialism. He favoured a Pax Hollandia, a commonwealth of Dutch expatriates living in former overseas possessions, which foreshadowed the Dutch Nazi 'Dietse Volk' (Pan-Dutch) of the 1930s and 1940s.
1874
1875
1876Kuyper promoted a kind of Dutch imperialism, but did not outright call for exploiting natives, said to "uplift" them then withdraw. He said there was no moral basis for exploitation which contrasts strikingly with Afrikaner supremacist attitudes (where did they get that attitude?).
1877
1878
1879	To conclude: Kuyper bequeathed a double heritage of both right- and left-wing; authoritarian and libertarian; racist and anti-racist; elitist and democratic. His teaching was an intricate balance of paradoxes. One set of his ideas made him vulnerable to Nazism; another set inspired the gereformeerde illegal resistance to nazism. One set made him sympathetic to Afrikaner identiy and hegemony; another turned his successors into anti-racist crusaders. What Afrikaners have done is not only to embrace his theological orthodoxy, but also his right-wing legacy.
1880
1881
1882Kuyper was inconsistent and said to be "paradox"
1883
1884should read up on him, see what he was consistent about (e.g. 'comingling' thing as applied to Boer can be seen as racist instead of 'anti-racist' depending on Kuyper's motive)
1885
1886	
1887	All Afrikaner theorists in this study have been followers of Kuyper; and all Kuyperians are Christian-Nationalists
1888
1889	...Started in 1918, the Broederbond was taken over by Kuyperians and transformed into a tightly-knit, clandestine, confessional organ which penetrated all spheres of Afrikaner life. Until the 1970s at least, all the Broederbond's chairmen have been top Christian-Nationalists ...All were, or are, followers of Kuyper.
1890
1891	...All expostitions of Christian-Nationalism in South Africa have, directly or indirecctly, referred to Kuyper.
1892
1893	Examples abound indicating the impact of Kuyperian thought on Afrikaner Nationalist thought. The South African reformed Church's report on the 1963 Reformed Ecumenical Synod (a small ultra-orthodox ecumenical body) defending racially segregated churches quoted extensively from Kuyper.
1894
1895
1896Kuyper was influential in Afrikaner society
1897
1898goes on about Kuyperian thought in Christian nationism, ideology emphasizes differences between people
1899
1900
1901https://www.scribd.com/document/379190506/The-black-concentration-camps-of-the-Anglo-Boer-War-1899-1902-Shifting-the-paradigm-from-sole-martyrdom-to-mutual-suffering
1902	This would especially be true of the Kuyperians at The Potchefstroom University for Higher Christian Education in the Broederbond 'think tank'. Included in this group of Broederbond intelligentsia was the great Afrikaans poet Totius, J.D. du Toit who was the Rector of the Gereformeerde Kerk Seminary, informally known as the Droppers. The university was, itself, modeleld after the Free University of Amsterdam, which was poart of the Christian Nationalist movement in Holland. This movement, like the brand of Afrikaner Nationalism fostered by the Broederbond, was based in part, on the kernel of Kuyperian thought that 'in isolation lies our strength.' According to Irving Hexham this theological concept may have been a forerunner of the political system of Apartheid.
1903
1904
1905goes on naming some more Broederbond intelligentsia: L. J. du Plessis, J.C. van Rooy
1906
1907	
1908	...The Broederbond arose out of the repression of Afrikaner aspirations by the British postware policies in South Africa. The organisation of the Broederbond was a logical response to these policies and was a patriotic effort to foster the interests of the Afrikaners.
1909
1910
1911https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afrikaner_Broederbond
1912	The Afrikaner Broederbond (AB) (meaning Afrikaner Brotherhood) or Broederbond was a secret, exclusively male and Afrikaner Calvinist organisation in South Africa dedicated to the advancement of Afrikaner interests. It was founded by H. J. Klopper (af), H. W. van der Merwe, D. H. C. du Plessis and Rev. Jozua Naudé[1] in 1918 and was known as Jong Zuid Afrika (Young South Africa) until 1920, when it became the Broederbond.[2][3] Its large influence within South African political and social life, sometimes compared to that of Masons in Freemason conspiracy theories,[citation needed] came to a climax with the rise of apartheid, which was largely designed and implemented by Broederbond members. Between 1948 and 1994, many prominent figures of South African political life, including all leaders of the government, were members of the Afrikaner Broederbond.[2]
1913
1914
1915Broederbond was a secret racist Afrikaner society, compared to freemasons, name means "brotherhood"
1916
1917	
1918	Described later as an "inner sanctum",[4] "an immense informal network of influence",[5] and by Jan Smuts as a "dangerous, cunning, political fascist organization",[6] in 1920 Jong Zuid Afrika now restyled as the Afrikaner Broederbond, was a grouping of 37 white men of Afrikaner ethnicity, Afrikaans language, and the Calvinist Dutch Reformed faith, who shared cultural, semi-religious, and deeply political objectives based on traditions and experiences dating back to the arrival of Dutch white settlers, French Huguenots, and Germans at the Cape in the 17th and 18th centuries and including the dramatic events of the Great Trek in the 1830s and 1840s. Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom recount how, on the occasion of its 50th anniversary, a leading broeder (brother or member) said:
1919
1920    for understandable reasons it was difficult to explain [our] aims…[I]n the beginning people were allowed in…who thought it was just another cultural society.
1921    — Wilkins & Strydom, 1980, p. 45
1922
1923	The precise intentions of the founders are not clear. Was the group intended to counter the dominance of the British and the English language,[7] or to redeem the Afrikaners after their defeat in the Second Anglo-Boer War?[8] Perhaps it sought to protect a culture, build an economy and seize control of a government.[9] The remarks of the organisation's chairman in 1944 offer a slightly different, and possibly more accurate interpretation in the context of the post-Boer War and post- World War I era, when Afrikaners were suffering through a maelstrom of social and political changes:[10]
1924
1925	    The Afrikaner Broederbond was born out of the deep conviction that the Afrikaner volk has been planted in this country by the Hand of God, destined to survive as a separate volk with its own calling.
1926
1927	In other words, the traditional, deeply pious Calvinism of the Afrikaners, a pastoral people with a difficult history in South Africa since the mid-17th century, supplied an element of Christian predestination that led to a determination to wrest the country from the English-speaking British and place its future in the hands of the Afrikaans-speaking Afrikaners, whatever that might mean for the large black and mixed-race population. To the old thirst for sovereignty that had prompted the Great Trek into the interior from 1838 on, would be added a new thirst for total independence and Nationalism. These two threads merged to form a "Christian National" civil religion that would dominate South African life from 1948 to 1994.
1928
1929	This was the historical context in which the Broederbond emerged. The scorched earth policy of the British during the second Boer War devastated Boer (that is, rural Afrikaner farmer) lands. In British concentration camps, 27 000 Boer women and children had died. The Boer surrender at Vereeniging, though pragmatic, was deeply humiliating. Lord Milner's inflammatory policy of Anglicisation simply rubbed salt into Afrikaner wounds, and a backlash was inevitable. The National Party and ultimately the Broederbond were the long-term and powerful results.[11]
1930
1931
1932I guess Broederbond a secret Christian fascist organization formed from reaction to humiliation from second Boer war. Broederbond members included many influential people, including Prime Ministers and generals. Broederbond members were responsible for apartheid.
1933
1934a lot about Broederbond and their members was exposed in a 1978 book 'The Super-Afrikaners'
1935
1936maybe Broederbond like that secret order some of the conquistadors were from? (don't know much about either)
1937
1938parallels between attack on South America and Africa end with Africa being better documented. So far comes off as attempt at same thing again, then someone said 'no.'
1939
1940
1941https://www.scribd.com/document/379190506/The-black-concentration-camps-of-the-Anglo-Boer-War-1899-1902-Shifting-the-paradigm-from-sole-martyrdom-to-mutual-suffering
1942	F.A. Van Jaarsveld in his most famous essay, "The Ideas of the Afrikaner on His Calling and Mission" argued that the early Afrikaners reading the Old Testament in the isoluation of the Great Trek saw themselves like "Ou Israel," as the Chosen people of the Lord. This belief grew into a form of mysticism. ...he argued that there were abundant sources from all periods of the Afrikaner history, and particularly during the early period, that would show that the Voortrekkers did, indeed, liken themselves to old Israel and di identify themselves as a chosen people of God in Southern Africa.
1943
1944	Andre du Toit wrote a very damaging critique of this claim in his article, "Captive to the Nationalist Paradigm." du Toit tacked head on the basic proposition of the essay regarding the sources:
1945
1946		...36 come from the period after 1870 and only 24 are from the earlier period.
1947
1948	Du Toit then goes on to show that these earlier sources have been used somewhat questionably. For example, take the idea of some Afrikaners that blacks are inferior. In the course of two paragraphs he cites eight instances of such beliefs ranging from 1703-1960 in which Van Jaarsveld states that "our records are dotted with pronouncements that support this contention." Du Toit comments on this assertion. With two exceptions, these references all come from the 1890s or later. And of the two earlier references, one involves a rejection rather than an endorsement of belief, and the other turns out not to be a primary source after all, but a secondary report.
1949
1950
1951debate over when/how Afrikaners became racist?
1952
1953Kessler says it was from Kuyper influence, van Jaarsveld argued it started earlier
1954
1955from wikipedia:
1956
1957https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afrikaner_Calvinism
1958	Afrikaner Calvinism is a theoretical cultural and religious development among Afrikaners that combined elements of seventeenth-century Calvinist doctrine with a "chosen people" ideology similar to that espoused by proponents of the Jewish nation movement.[1] A number of modern studies have argued that this gave rise to the Great Trek while serving to legimitise the subordination of other South African ethnic groups, thus laying the foundation for modern Afrikaner nationalism and apartheid.[2] Dissenting scholars have asserted that Calvinism did not in fact play a significant role in Afrikaner society until the trauma of the Second Boer War, citing the fact that early settlers dwelt in isolated frontier conditions and lived much closer to pseudo-Christian animist beliefs than organised religion.[3]
1959
1960
1961https://www.scribd.com/document/379190506/The-black-concentration-camps-of-the-Anglo-Boer-War-1899-1902-Shifting-the-paradigm-from-sole-martyrdom-to-mutual-suffering
1962
1963pg 5 Kuyper student J.D. du Toit (aka Totius) had important role in shaping "Afriakaner nationalist consciousness" after second Boer war. Poetry was important in Boer society.
1964
1965	
1966	...Totius wrote nine collections of poetry. We can note that his first collection, writen in 1908, By die Monument was about the white concentration camps. Quickly following this collection was Potgieter's Trek in 1909. Both of these collections concern suffering and Afrikaner nationalism. It may be just a coincidence but the first collection concered the Boer women and children who died in the white concentration camps during the war and the second collection, Potgieter's Trek concerned the Great Trek. 
1967
1968
1969https://books.google.com/books?id=yKgKAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA150&lpg=PA150
1970	Shortly after the conclusion of the Anglo-Beor War, the conflict manifested itself in Afrikaans literature, including contributions varying from war novels like Vergeer nie: histories-romantiese verhaal uit die Anglo-Boereoorlog [Don't forget: historic-romantic story from the Anglo-Boer War] by Daniel Francois Malherbe (1881-1969) to moving poems on life in the internment camps by Totius (pen-name of the well-known Afrikaans theologian and poet Jacob Daniel du Toit, 1877-1953), published in his volume of poetry By die monument [At the monument]. It may rightfully be claimed that these literary works were conscious or subconscious attempts to process to trauma of the conflict. Interestingly, this process was still active a hundred years later, and just prior to and during the centenary of the conflict, it led to renewed literary interest in the conflict
1971
1972
1973https://books.google.com/books?id=pu80DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT307&lpg=PT307
1974	Brink (1990: 275) sees in the work of Totius and Postma, "a clear convergence between the development of the ideal of the volksmoeder and the rise of Afrikaner nationalism". Rachel, together with Totius' earlier collection of poems, By die Monument ("At the Monument"), sanctified the Afrikaner women and children's suffering during the war in poetry with overt reference to the biblical slaughter of the innocents by King Herod.
1975
1976
1977https://www.scribd.com/document/379190506/The-black-concentration-camps-of-the-Anglo-Boer-War-1899-1902-Shifting-the-paradigm-from-sole-martyrdom-to-mutual-suffering
1978	These two events inspired the most sacred monuments in the Afrikaner civil religion. The order of the writing of these two poetry cycles is the same order ad the building of these two paramount monuments. The proceeds from the sale of By die Monument were contributed to the Vroumonument at Bloemfontein which was dedicated on 16 December 1913.
1979
1980
1981http://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/man-made-women-gender-class-and-ideology-volksmoeder-elsabe-brink
1982	Public focus on the sufferings of the Boer women found expression in 1913 in the erection at Bloemfontein of the Vrouemonument (Women's Memorial), dedicated to the more than 26 000 women and children who had during the war. The project was initial 1906 by the ex-president of the Orange Free State, M. T. Steyn and enthusiastically supported by the Afrikaans poet Totius (J. D. du one of the main propagators of the Second Language (which sought recognition of Afrikaans as an official language in the place of Dutch). Emily Hobhouse, a close associate of Steyn and his wife, was instrumental in helping to finalise the design at the monument and was asked to present an opening address was read. Because of ill health she could not attend, but her address was read at the opening and subsequently published. In it she outlined a significant anomaly: 'I think for the first time, a woman is chosen to make the commemorative speech over the National Dead- not soldiers - but women - who gave their lives for their country’ (Van Reenen, 1984:402; her emphasis). To which could be added a further comment that it was an English woman commemorating the Afrikaner national dead.
1983
1984	This anomaly was carried still further by Hobhouse's eventual interment at the monument, ironically alongside mostly male such as President M. T. Steyn, General C. de Wet and Dominee J.D. Kestell - 'the ideal of Afrikaner statesman, warrior and churchman respectively' (Moodie, 1975: 19).
1985
1986	...According to Hexham, the opening of the monument on 16 December 1913 gave the nationalist cause a symbolic victory over the advocates of conciliation' (1980: 397). This victory was consolidated by the steady literary production of the poet Totius and his brother-in-law, Willlem Postma, a Free State journalist and advocate of Afrikaner nationalism. Together these two men developed 'their cultural nationalism-and a sense of identity based upon Afrikaner traditions and the Calvinists religion' (Hexham, 1980:401).
1987
1988
1989The works of Totius and other writers, the Great Trek, and the suffering at the Boer camps helped form an Afrikans "civil religion." They built a monument to the suffering at the camps which was a big deal, Hobhouse helped design it, they invited her to present an opening adress for it and she was buried there. 
1990
1991
1992book on Afrikaner "civil religion:"
1993
1994https://archive.org/stream/bub_gb_UTNhTscJ9m4C/bub_gb_UTNhTscJ9m4C_djvu.txt
1995	When the National Party came to power in South Africa in 
1996	1948, 1 was 8 years old. My father was an officer in the South 
1997	African army. During the next twelve years I watched him 
1998	suffer discrimination as a result of D. F. Erasmus's Afrikaner- 
1999	ization policy. It seemed quite natural to extrapolate the 
2000	burning sense of injustice aroused over my father's treatment 
2001	to the wider and more severe suffering of my Black fellow- 
2002	countrymen. I became a liberal, a member of the National 
2003	Union of South African Students. While an Honours student, 
2004	I dated the daughter of an eminent Afrikaner in Pretoria and 
2005	found myself involved in intense debate over separate devel- 
2006	opment policy. I became convinced that it was possible to 
2007	provide moral justification for separate development as an 
2008	idea, despite the despicable practices associated with its exe- 
2009	cution and its complete impracticability. Furthermore, I be- 
2010	gan to see that such justification for separate development was 
2011	rooted in the history of Afrikanerdom and in the Afrikaner's 
2012	own attitude to the English. 
2013
2014	When I arrived at Harvard to work on a doctorate I became 
2015	fascinated by the Puritans of the seventeenth century. I de- 
2016	cided to return to South Africa and study my own brand of 
2017	Puritanism at home. If Max Weber had shown the importance 
2018	of Puritanism in the rise of capitalism, why should I not show 
2019	the importance of Afrikaner Calvinism in the development of 
2020	apartheid policy and, of course, in the outcome of the 1948 
2021	election which had had so marked an effect on my own life? 
2022
2023	...When I began my research the notion of "civil religion" had 
2024	recently been revived by my mentor, Robert Bellah (1970), 
2025	and it seemed a particularly useful ideal-typical way into 
2026	Afrikaner social reality. (See Chapter 1.) Perhaps in research, 
2027	things are never so simple as one at first imagines. In the 
2028	Ossewa Gedenkboek (1940), I found ample support for my 
2029	initial exploratory ideal type in the speeches of leaders made 
2030	between August and December 1938 and reprinted there. 
2031	When I plunged into the historical events of the period 
2032	between the Boer War and 1948, however, I soon came to 
2033	realize that the civil religion which I had chosen as my inde- 
2034	pendent variable changed as much as the other variables 
2035	which I found myself forced to introduce. I had always imag- 
2036	ined that social reality was malleable, opening up different 
2037	aspects to different ideal-typical perspectives. Imagine my 
2038	perplexity when the ideal type which I had constructed to 
2039	make sense of Afrikaner history began to change as I used it. 
2040	Social reality, however protean, had a facticity which I had 
2041	never expected. 
2042
2043
2044author is white (http://www.hws.edu/academics/anthrosoc/facultyProfile.aspx?facultyID=244), lived during apartheid (I guess isn't Afrikaner?)
2045
2046really likes Max Weber
2047
2048found that Afrikaner justification for apartheid rooted in their history and attitude toward English
2049
2050author uses analogy puritainism is to capitalism like Afrikaner Calvinism is to apartheid
2051
2052notion of Afrikaner "civil religion" used by other scholars like his mentor Robert Bellah. Author saw concept as useful in understanding Afrikaner society, but in research found it changed a lot and couldn't be "independent variable." (I think referring to this: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ideal_type)
2053
2054author went out and read a lot of Afrikaner newspapers and media and interviewed many Afrikaners
2055
2056
2057	...There were disagreements among Afrikaners about the very 
2058	notion of Afrikanerdom itself. I watched the Afrikaner civil 
2059	religion come into being after 1881, and I confronted innumer- 
2060	able variations in its formulation and different usages by dif- 
2061	ferent groups and individuals. Then, behold, it began to echo 
2062	back to me in various forms, from political and economic, 
2063	ecclesiastical and educational events, not as a causal factor, 
2064	certainly, but as the medium through which causes became 
2065	effective in interaction. The Afrikaner civil religion was not so 
2066	much an ideal type which I had imposed on events to measure 
2067	them accurately; it was rather a perspective, shared by the 
2068	actors themselves, which provided an everchanging horizon of 
2069	meaning for their actions. To borrow a term I have since 
2070	discovered in the phenomenologists, the civil religion consti- 
2071	tuted reality for Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans 
2072	during my period— and to an extent, it still does. 
2073
2074
2075watched Afrikaner civil relgion come about after 1881. There were disagreements among Afrikaners and many variations and formulations of the civil religion. Author found that the civil religion shaped Afrikaner's worldview.
2076
2077
2078	...As a backdrop for my analysis, I first provide the reader 
2079	with an ideal typical exposition of the Afrikaner civil faith. 1 
2080	This civil religion is grounded in the Afrikaner sacred history, 
2081	which was publicly stated at least as early as 1899 and 
2082	expressed in a civil ritual with a standard liturgical form. 
2083	I also attempt to outline what may be called the mainstream 
2084	civil theology, although, as we shall see, interpretation of the 
2085	Afrikaner civil faith has always been a matter of ideological 
2086	debate between protagonists of different systems of social 
2087	metaphysics. The roots of the Afrikaner doctrine of election 
2088	grew out of the Calvinism of Paul Kruger and the experience 
2089	of the Boer War, and the young shoots of Afrikaner national- 
2090	ism were nurtured in the post-Boer War language movement. 
2091	The divine agent of the Afrikaner civil faith is Christian and 
2092	Calvinist— an active sovereign God, who calls the elect, who 
2093	promises and punishes, who brings forth life from death in 
2094	the course of history. The object of his saving activity— the 
2095	Afrikaner People— is not a church, a community of the saved, 
2096	however; it is a whole nation with its distinct language and 
2097	culture, its own history and special destiny. This Christian 
2098	heresy managed to achieve a theological and practical modus 
2099	vivendi with the avowedly orthodox Dutch Reformed 
2100	churches in South Africa.
2101
2102
2103Afrikaner history became "sacred" (how?) and expressed in "civil ritual" as early as 1899 (what does this mean?)
2104
2105says doctrine of being elected grew out of Paul Kruger's Calvinism and the Boer war, and Afrikaner nationalism grew out of post-Boer war language movement
2106
2107object of what is saved in "civil religion" is nation, language, culture, have special destiny 
2108
2109	
2110	It was in the cultural sphere that a consistent ideology 
2111	firmly based on the civil faith began to be institutionalized 
2112	in the late 1920s, largely through the efforts of the Afrikaner 
2113	Broederbond. The major tenets of the civil faith, especially 
2114	republicanism, gained political import only with the National 
2115	party schism of 1934. During this period young Afrikaner 
2116	intellectuals were returning from Germany with a neo-Fich- 
2117	tean social-philosophical framework and steering the Broe- 
2118	derbond into economic as well as political and cultural 
2119	activity. Yet, until 1938, the major tenets of the civil faith 
2120	were not overtly accepted by the majority of Afrikaners. With 
2121	the centenary of her covenant vow with God, however, 
2122	civil-religious enthusiasm seized Afrikanerdom. Ordinary 
2123	Afrikaners were swept wholesale into the mainstream of 
2124	Christian-National myth and ritual. The civil faith now 
2125	became a guaranteed effective ideological agency of social, 
2126	political, and economic mobilization. Two new and very 
2127	powerful organizations sprang into being on the strength of 
2128	this new mass appeal. One was the O.B. (Ossewabrandwag), 
2129	the other the R.D.B. (Reddingsdaadbond). The O.B., partic- 
2130	ularly, seized upon the Second World War as an excuse for 
2131	propounding a far more militant and less mystical version 
2132	of the civil religion which reinterpreted the sacred history 
2133	to justify political subversion of the state. The defeat of 
2134	Germany spelled the end of the O.B., however, and left the 
2135	field to the National party.
2136
2137
2138Broederbond helped firm consistent ideology of civil religion in late 1920s. Became politically important in 1934 while some Afrikaner intellectuals were visiting Germany. Until 1938, "major tenants" were not overtly accepted by most Afrikaners, but then became more mainstream. Organization O.B. used WWII as excuse to promote a militant and less mystical version of the civil religion, but they went away with Nazis.
2139
2140
2141	...Dr. D. F. Malan voiced the sentiments of his 
2142	People when he said, "Our history is the greatest masterpiece 
2143	of the centuries. We hold this nationhood as our due for it 
2144	was given us by the Architect of the universe. [His] aim was 
2145	the formation of a new nation among the nations of the world. 
2146	. . . The last hundred years have witnessed a miracle behind 
2147	which must lie a divine plan. Indeed, the history of the 
2148	Afrikaner reveals a will and a determination which makes 
2149	one feel that Afrikanerdom is not the work of men but the 
2150	creation of God" (Pienaar, 1964, pp. 235-236). 
2151
2152
2153Malan was South Africa PM from 1948 to 1954, came to power on program of apartheid (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/D._F._Malan)
2154
2155
2156	...Certain events that occurred immediately after the British 
2157	occupation are selected out as a prologue to the Great Trek. 6 
2158	The "liberal" policy of the British toward black Africans 
2159	seemed particularly designed to provoke the Afrikaners. 
2160	Under pressure from English missionaries, the government 
2161	created a circuit court, known as the "Black Circuit" among 
2162	Afrikaners, which was empowered to hear complaints of 
2163	Hottentot servants against their masters. "It was not so much 
2164	love for the native that underlay the apparent negrophilistic 
2165	policy as hatred and contempt of the Boer" (Reitz, 1900, p. 
2166	92). The British even went so far as to employ natives "as 
2167	police against us; they were provided with arms and ammuni- 
2168	tion and we deprived of ours to be used against us; they 
2169	were incited to fight us, and, wherever it was possible, they 
2170	murdered and plundered us. 
2171
2172	"No wonder that in 1815 a number of Boers were driven 
2173	into rebellion, a rebellion [in which] six of the Boers were 
2174	half hung up in the most inhuman way in the compulsory 
2175	presence of their wives and children. Their death was truly 
2176	horrible, for the gallows broke down before the end came; but they were hoisted up in the agony of dying, and strangled 
2177	to death in the murderous tragedy of Slachter's Nek. . . . 
2178	[I]t was at Slachter's Nek that the first blood-stained beacon 
2179	was erected between Boer and Briton in South Africa" (Reitz, 
2180	1900, pp. 5-6). The episode is poignantly recalled in the first 
2181	Afrikaans history: 
2182
2183	Weep Afrikaners! 
2184
2185	—Here lies your flesh and blood! 
2186
2187	—martyred in the most brutal fashion. 
2188
2189	Wrong it was to rise up against their government: 
2190
2191	yet they did it not without reason! 
2192
2193	Wrong it was to take up weapons; 
2194
2195	only because they were too weak! 
2196
2197	They were guilty, says the earthly judge; 
2198
2199	but what will the Heavenly Judge have to say? 
2200
2201	. . . But come! It grows darker! 
2202
2203	—If we sit here too long we too shall be regarded as conspira- 
2204	tors! 
2205
2206	—come, another day will dawn, 
2207
2208	—then we shall perhaps see the grave in another light! 
2209
2210	—come, let us go home with a quiet sigh! 
2211
2212	[du Toit, S. J., et al., 1877, cited in van Jaarsveld, 1959, pp. 
2213
2214	98-99, my translation] 
2215
2216
2217Reitz helped build up Afrikaner mtyhology of persecution at hands of British starting before Great Trek. Says that it was British acting not to help black Africans but out of hatred for Boer, and paints it as "they were using black people as police against us!"
2218
2219Talks about hanging at Slachter's Nek, emphasizing it was brutality by British
2220
2221https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slachter%27s_Nek_Rebellion
2222	The Slachter's Nek Rebellion was an uprising by Boers in 1815 on the eastern border of the Cape Colony.[2] The revolt was sparked by the controversial killing of Frederick Cornelius Bezuidenhout by a Cape police detachment.[1] It has acquired special significance among contemporary South African historians as the beginning of Afrikaner struggle against British colonial rule.[3]
2223
2224
2225https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Great_Trek
2226	In 1815, the controversial arrest of a white farmer for allegedly assaulting one of his servants resulted in the abortive Slachter's Nek Rebellion.[2] The British retaliated by hanging at least five Boers for insurrection.[2] 
2227
2228
2229This was I guess part of what kicked off Great Trek, and S. J. du Toit calls them "martyrs" in his poetry
2230
2231S. J. du Toit was the father of Totius and also a theologian, journalist, and failed politician: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stephanus_Jacobus_du_Toit
2232
2233Reitz was an Afrikaner statesmen, publicist and also poet who became president of Orange Free State and was State Secretary of "South African Republic" during the second Boer War (which was when he wrote above) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_William_Reitz
2234
2235
2236	The anglicization policy instituted under Lord Charles 
2237	Somerset, governor at the Cape from 1814 to 1826, struck 
2238	at the heart of Afrikanerdom. He brought out Scottish 
2239	ministers to serve in Dutch Reformed churches and English- 
2240	men to teach in country schools. All official posts were 
2241	reserved for the English-speaking; and after 1825 all official 
2242	documents were required to be written in English. "Petitions 
2243	in the language of the country and complaints about bitter 
2244	grievances were not even acknowledged. The Boers were 
2245	excluded from the juries because their knowledge of English 
2246	was too faulty, and their causes and actions had to be 
2247	determined by Englishmen with whom they had nothing in 
2248	common" (Reitz, 1900, p. 10).
2249
2250
2251language also important in development? "language movement" said to contribute, Reitz complained that before Great Trek only English-speaking people could hold some positions
2252
2253	
2254	...	The emancipation of slaves throughout the British empire 
2255	in 1832 was not in itself a cause for increased resentment 
2256	among the Afrikaners. Rather it was Britain's failure to keep 
2257	her promise of full compensation which led to embittered 
2258	feelings. "[G]reyheads and widows who had lived in ease and 
2259	comfort went down poverty-stricken to the grave, and gra- 
2260	dually the hard fact was borne upon us that there was no 
2261	such thing as Justice in England" (Reitz, 1900, p. 8). 
2262
2263
2264Reitz complained that end of slavery meant that old Boer widows wouldn't be taken care of anymore
2265
2266
2267	...	Bowed down under twenty years of British oppression, the 
2268	Afrikaners at length rose up and went out of the Cape Colony 
2269	and sought "shelter in the unknown wilderness of the North. 
2270	. . . [0]ur people had to pursue their pilgrimage of martyrdom 
2271	throughout South Africa, until every portion of that unhappy 
2272	country ha[d] been painted red with blood, not so much of 
2273	men capable of resistance as with that of our murdered and 
2274	defenceless women and children" (Reitz, 1900, pp. 92-93). 
2275	They were followed by the British army, like that of Pharoah, 
2276	and everywhere were beset by the unbelieving black "Can- 
2277	aanites." Yet because God's people acted according to His 
2278	will, He delivered them out of the hands of their enemies 
2279	and gave them their freedom in the promised land.
2280
2281
2282Reitz called great trek "pilgrimage of Martyrdom," compared themselves to Moses escaping Pharoah everywehre beset by black "Canaanites" murdering their women and children
2283
2284
2285so had origin story where they are victims, black people and British are evil aggressors, and God is protecting them.
2286
2287A lot says they have "holy mission" and some of their writers and poets call people who died in this events "martyrs."
2288
2289eventually the concentration camps and second Boer war gets weaved into this too (how exactly?)
2290
2291What did they understand was their holy mission?
2292
2293Kuyper also influential on their religion, discouraged reasoning and promoted "christian totalitarianism," race a part of their religion and I guess emphasized differences between races and "God's role" for each race. 
2294
2295kind of reminds me of the ideology of that weird mystic who was hanging out with Motlke's wife 
2296
2297
2298	...Dutch Christian politics, both Catholic and Protestant, 
2299	made educational policy their major thrust (cf. Koers in die 
2300	Krisis, 2(1940): 377-390). Both Groen van Prinsterer and 
2301	Kuyper fought persistently for the right to teach religious 
2302	doctrine in schools.
2303
2304says a lot?
2305
2306
2307	... "In 
2308	a Calvinistic sense we understand hereby, that the family, 
2309	the business, science, art, and so forth are all social spheres, 
2310	which do not owe their existence to the State, and which 
2311	do not derive the law of their life from the superiority of 
2312	the State, but obey a high authority within their own bosom 
2313	. . (Kuyper, 1899, p. 116). 
2314
2315
2316Kuyper has picked his side in the investiture controversy
2317
2318
2319------
2320
2321
2322Moodie book says almost nothing on Boer practice of slavery
2323
2324best guess so far: slavery justified in religion the same way as in American south?
2325
2326Slavery also started among Boer before their civil religion formed:
2327
2328http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/history-slavery-and-early-colonisation-south-africa
2329	Even with slavery, the Dutch did not have sufficient labour power to provide for their ships. In 1657, some Company officials were released from their contracts and were allocated land along the Liesbeeck River. These officials became known as the Free Burghers (Farmers), and formed the nucleus of the white South African population that came to be known as Boers or Afrikaners.
2330
2331	It soon became apparent that if the free burghers were to be successful as agricultural producers, they would need access to substantial labour. The indigenous peoples with whom the Dutch first came into contact, the Khoikhoi, had been settled in the region for at least a thousand years before the Dutch arrived, and were an unwilling labour force. This is because the Khoikhoi were a pastoral people, and as long as they had their lands, flocks of sheep and herds of cattle, they could not be pressed into service for the Dutch settlers. The settlers also practiced a form of settled agriculture that came into direct conflict with the pastoral economy of the Khoikhoi, and involved regular and structured seasonal migration.
2332
2333	Therefore, as the Dutch settlement expanded, independent Khoikhoi communities were placed under unbearable pressure. Within 50 years of the establishment of the Dutch settlement, the indigenous communities near Table Bay, despite heroic struggles on their part, had been dispossessed of their lands and their independent means of existence had come to an end.
2334
2335	Individual Khoikhoi men and women became incorporated into colonial society as low-status servants. Beyond the mountains of Table Valley, communities of Khoisan (as the Khoikhoi and the indigenous hunter-gatherer San are collectively called) survived until the end of the eighteenth century, but there can be little doubt that for the indigenous populations of the Cape the arrival of the Dutch settlers proved to be a major turning point.
2336
2337	The Dutch settlers were therefore forced to look elsewhere for their labour needs. In 1658, a year after the first free burghers had been granted their plots of land, the first slaves were imported into South Africa, specifically for agricultural work. These slaves arrived at the Cape on 28 March 1658 on board the Amersfoort and had been captured by the Dutch from a Portuguese slaver en route to Brazil. Of the 250 slaves captured, only 170 survived the journey to the Cape. Most of these slaves were originally captured by the Portuguese in present-day Angola. On 6 May 1658, 228 slaves from another group of slaves arrived at the Cape on board the Hassalt, from Ghana. From 1710 onwards, the adult slave population outnumbered the adult colonial population by as much as three to one.
2338
2339	...In 1795, the Cape Colony became a British colony, before it was returned to the Dutch in 1802. During this first period of British rule, South-East Africa became the main source of slaves. This trend continued with the return of the Dutch who continued to buy slaves from slave traders operating in present-day Mozambique.
2340
2341	When in control of the Cape, the VOC sent slavers to Mozambique and Madagascar. The main purpose of these expeditions was to trade slaves. In those days, travelling by ship was very uncomfortable and unhygienic for ordinary people, but especially for slaves who had to be kept confined.
2342
2343	Between 1720 and 1790, slave numbers increased from 2 500 to 14 500. At the time of the final ending of slavery in 1838, the slave population stood at around 38 000. However, unlike the European population, which doubled in number with each generation through natural increase, the harsh living conditions of the Cape's slave population meant that their numbers could only be sustained through continued importation. Between 1652 and the ending of the slave trade in 1807, about 60 000 slaves were imported into the Colony.
2344
2345	Thus the Cape became not just a society in which some people were slaves, but a fully-fledged slave society. In slave societies, the institution of slavery touched all aspects of life, as slavery was central to the social, economic and legal institutions. As the boundaries of the Cape Colony expanded beyond the immediate vicinity of Table Bay, slaves were put to work on the wine and wheat farms of the south-western Cape. Quite simply, the colonial economy could not function without the use of slave labour, and therefore slave-ownership was widespread. Although most of the European settlers of the south-western Cape owned fewer than ten slaves, almost all of them owned at least some slaves.
2346
2347
2348by 1807 almost all European settlers in south-western Cape owned slaves
2349
2350
2351	The most important social feature of slave societies is that they were polarised between people who were slaves and those who were not. Slaves were also defined by their race, and although the VOC did not institute a codified form of racial classification, the fact is that slaves were black and slave owners were white. There were a few slaves who had been freed, who were called “free blacks”. These “free blacks” had managed to acquire slaves of their own, but these slave owners were a tiny minority of the slave-owning population. Thus, colonial South Africa was from the very start a society structured along racial lines, in which black people occupied a subordinate position.
2352
2353	Slavery was fully supported by the Roman-Dutch legal system that the VOC brought to the Cape. In terms of Roman-Dutch law, slaves were defined, first and foremost, as property. This form of slavery, known as chattel slavery, meant that one human being was the legal belonging of another human being. Slaves could be bought and sold, bequeathed or used as security for loans. Since slaves were kept in a state of slavery against their will, the slave owners and the VOC needed a system of laws to ensure that slaves were kept in their subordinate position.
2354
2355	Therefore, slaves in the Cape were strictly controlled, and according to law, slaves could be severely punished for acts such as running away or failing to obey their owners’ orders. Slave owners were allowed to use harsh punishment like whipping, withholding food, and making slaves work more hours. Slaves who tried to run away were put in chains to prevent them from running away again, because many slaves from West and East Africa believed that if they ran away they could find their way back home. Slaves could even be put to death for attacking their owners.
2356
2357	The food given to the slaves was terrible. It was only after the slave trade in Cape Town was banned that slave owners began to treat their slaves better. Better treatment of slaves was due to the fact that slaves were no longer easily available and therefore more expensive. Slaves were also treated better because slave owners did not want them to run away or die while they were still young. This was in contrast to the treatment of slaves before banning, as then it was cheaper for slave owners to buy new slaves instead of providing good care for them.
2358
2359
2360slaves were treated as property and could be legally beaten and abused, and were treated horribly. Many slaves from West and East africa wanted to run away since they thought they could find their way home. It was only after slave trade that slaves were treated better because slaves became more expensive
2361
2362a lot of psycopaths in cape colony? almost everyone owned slaves and change in treatment only tied to slaves becoming more expensive
2363
2364
2365https://slavery.iziko.org.za/privatelivesofslaves
2366	The case of Reijnier who ran away after his daughter Sabina was abused, may be an extreme example of abuse, but illustrates the helplessness of the parent. Slaves were not allowed to get married. Life partners could therefore be separated at the whim of the owner. The children of slaves could also be sold separately from their parents. Many disputes between slaves and slave owners started when the owner disregarded a slave parent’s authority over their children. Some slave couples belonged to different owners. They were therefore dependent on the goodwill of their owners to see each other.
2367
2368	Some slave men took Khoekhoe partners. That also meant that their children would not be regarded as slaves. The farmers did not like that and in 1752, the government allowed farmers to indenture these children until they were 25 years old. This meant that these children, given the derogatory name Bastaard Hottentots by the colonists, spent the best part of their lives in similar conditions as slaves.
2369
2370	...All slaves had very little leisure time. They worked very long hours. A proclamation of 1823 stipulated that slaves were not allowed to work more than 10 hours a day in winter and 12 hours a day in summer. Even after the proclamation, slaves were made to work longer hours during ploughing and harvest times. The fact that it was necessary to limit the working hours of slaves make historians think that some slaves used to have to work more than 10 to 12 hours a day.
2371
2372
2373something off with this website
2374
2375has one docs saying slaves were happy in their bondage, another about someone who enslaved a little girl and kept beating her while her mother had to watch
2376
2377seems unlikely they were "happy in their bondage" if they had to make a law saying they can't have work more than 12 hours a day...
2378
2379https://slavery.iziko.org.za/primarydocuments
2380	Peter Thunberg’s description of work done by slaves, written in 1772.
2381
2382	Thunberg was a Swedish botanist who lived in Cape Town for while. 
2383
2384	...In the houses of the wealthy, every one of the company has a slave behind his chair to wait on him. The slave has frequently a large palm leaf in his band, by way of a fan, to drive away the flies, which are as troublesome here as they are in Sweden.
2385
2386	...Otto Mentzel’s description of work done by slaves on a farm.
2387
2388	Mentzel, a German, lived at the Cape in the 1730s.
2389
2390	...They rise at dawn but most of them take no coffee nor anything to eat until about 8 o'clock. Then the table is properly laid and both master and servants take a breakfast of warm meat courses: except during the vintage time, when the farmer and his family prefer a slice of bread and butter with some of the choicest grapes to warm food. This kind of breakfast tea is served and the men generally smoke a pipe. Then everyone goes to his work.
2391
2392	...Generally speaking the servants themselves know what their daily task is, and it may be said that even the slaves are quite happy in their bondage. This may be clearly perceived in fine weather and on moonlit evenings. For although the slave has worked fairly hard and suffered from heat during the day, yet he is happy and sings, and plays on his raveking (ramkie) and even dances.
2393
2394	But winter evenings they sit round the fire with a pipe of tobacco and tell each other stories of their fatherland in Portuguese [lingua franca]. Sensible slaves want nothing but food, clothing and tobacco; sensible masters do not deprive them of any of these, but take into consideration the heavy yoke of slavery and do not treat them unreasonably nor have them flogged unduly. If a slave does wrong maliciously, he is punished for it and endures the well-deserved chastisement rather than continuous abuse.
2395
2396
2397how many "unsensible masters" were there according to Mentzel?
2398
2399
2400	...A certain tribe among them, called Buchinese or Buckinese, brought from the mainland of Asia near the South-Western islands, will even thank one for a well-deserved hiding; but if they are made to suffer undeservedly, they become very indignant and often vengeful. They stand no rebukes from women, still less blows; but would defend themselves at the risk of their lives.
2401
2402	For this reason, it is forbidden to import them into the Cape. But the ship’s officers who bring them along do not disclose their country of origin and who can recognise them? On occasions such as the end of the sowing season, during the harvest, after the vintage, or for work on Sundays and other special days, well-meaning masters would give their slaves some wine which has an immediate refreshing effect on their tired limbs.
2403
2404
2405Buchinese were known to fight back to abuse and for this reason they stopped importing them as slaves
2406
2407how common was abuse in cape colony? Mentzel makes it sound like it was something on people's minds
2408
2409
2410	Sensible farmers also allow them to cultivate a small piece of land whereon they sow peas or beans for sale. For the money received, they buy ornaments and fine coloured kerchiefs to bind round their heads: puffs: i.e. small pieces of taffeta to sew to the edge of their trouser-legs, and articles of like nature.
2411
2412	People may say what they please about the wickedness of slaves, but there are those among them who, if they are reasonably treated, behave themselves well and if, in addition, they suffer no want, are so faithful and attached to their masters, that they would lay down their lives for them if the need arose.
2413
2414	Of this I could give many instances; and if many historians have a good deal to say about the extraordinary wickedness of slaves, they should also point out the unchristian, often inhuman treatment they receive from their masters.
2415
2416
2417Mentzel sort-of vouching for slaves, I guess against the "many historians" who have "a good deal to say about the extraordinary wickedness of slaves"
2418
2419in this passage often contrasts "sensible masters" and "unsensible masters"
2420
2421could infer about society from this--maybe Mentzel saw "unsensible masters" abusing slaves and saw it as a problem, trying to argue against it by basically saying it doesn't make sense to abuse slaves, also the bit saying "if you abuse a slave how do you know they are not Buchinese watch out"
2422
2423a similar thing was going on in Cuba--if they really wanted slaves for profit, why kill them all?
2424
2425	
2426	Trial of Reijnier, a runaway slave.
2427
2428	The court is told about the maltreatment of Reijnier’s daughter. Source: Worden, N. 1996. The chains that bind us. A history of slavery at the Cape. Cape Town: Juta, p.69.
2429
2430	On this day there was brought to the jail of the Landdrost of Stellenbosch and Drakenstein, the male slave Reijnier, owned by Matthijs Krugel, captured by Pieter Raijnertszoon, after information given to him by a cattle herder on his farm. The slave has been living in the mountains beyond the Berg River for many years, eating fish caught from the river and dassies he has caught.
2431
2432	9 January l749: On this day, 9 January l749, there appeared before me, Arnold Schephauden, Secretary to the Landdrost of Stellenbosch and Drakenstein, and in the presence of witnesses, the female slave Manika of Bengal, aged approximately 60 years, presently the slave of Jacob Marais, who under the examination of the Landdrost Adriaan van Schoor, made the following testimony: That about 22 years ago, she was living at Simonsvalleij, the farm of her then owner, Matthijs Krugel in Drakenstein district.
2433
2434	And there she had relations with one of her fellow slaves, Reijnier of Madagascar, and amongst other children they had a daughter named Sabina. Sabina had diligently performed much work for her master's wife, but without knowing the reason why, she had been much beaten and abused by the woman; so much so that her man Reiinier had earnestly asked his master to sell the child to someone else, for she could stand it no longer.
2435
2436	That on a certain Saturday the aforesaid wife took Sabina into a back room after she had laid the table and stripped her naked and tied her to a post and the whole afternoon beat her with a sjambok and rubbed salt onto her. After she untied her she left her in the room, but the witness understands that the girl climbed out of the window and went and hid herself in the straw in the farmyard.
2437
2438	That her man Reijnierupple the sjambok on them the next day, for, said my master, if you punish a slave you must do it that he cannot be known before a magistrate. My master ordered us to smear the treading floor and that the floor must be well laid the next morning when he got up, on that we made the plan to murder all the farmers; we did not smear the floor because it was evening and was dark; we also told my master this, but he notwithstanding would have that the floor should be smeared against the next morning.
2439
2440	My master did not say anything more about it that evening, and we then immediately formed the plan, as I have already stated."
2441
2442
2443two slaves had a kid, masters wife kept beating the kid and nobody knew why, her dad asked master to sell his daughter because she couldn't stand it anymore, daughter ran and hid, slaves I guess plotted to kill the farmers.
2444
2445This was a trial that I guess was famous
2446
2447sahistory.org website weird about this one:
2448
2449http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/history-slavery-and-early-colonisation-south-africa
2450	It is clear that Reijnier and Manika's owners, Krugel and his wife, whom they would have called Mijnheer and Mevrou, dominated their lives. Their roles as parents were also greatly inhibited by their status as slaves. For some reason, Krugel's wife had taken to regularly beating Reijnier and Manika's daughter, Sabina. Possibly this was a result of sexual jealousy, or perhaps Sabina did not perform her duties to the satisfaction of Mevrou Krugel. As parents, Reijnier and Manika had little control over the maltreatment that Sabina suffered and which they were forced to witness. It is a sad testimony to his lack of power that Reijnier, in an attempt to put an end to the abuse of his daughter, was prepared to ask Krugel to sell Sabina and possibly be separated from her for life.
2451
2452
2453explanation for behavior reminiscent of Frued-types or this:
2454
2455https://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/23/nyregion/23slave.html
2456	“And Dakshina told the mother, ‘Samirah took milk without using a glass,’ ” Samirah testified. “And immediately I was beaten up by the missus.”
2457
2458	Mrs. Sabhnani gathered the children to watch as Samirah was forced to recreate her transgression for the camera. If she ever “stole” food again, she was told, her children would receive the photograph. “And then my children would be embarrassed that the mother was the thief,” Samirah said.
2459
2460	Law enforcement officials involved in the case theorized that some of Mrs. Sabhnani’s behavior may have stemmed from her own complicated relationship with food. She had been extremely overweight most of her adult life. Then, three years ago, she went on a diet that brought her weight down to less than 150 from more than 300 pounds.
2461
2462
2463another example:
2464
2465
2466http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/history-slavery-and-early-colonisation-south-africa
2467	Another anecdote of slave life concerns a slave woman by the name of Dina, who was owned by Roelof Petrus Johannes Campher, a cattle farmer in the district of George, Cape Colony. In October 1837, Dina was working in her master’s cattle kraal, loading cattle dung onto the wagon. The cattle dung would be taken to the farm garden to be used as a fertiliser. When the wagon was full, she stopped loading the wagon and instead piled up the dung for the next load.
2468
2469	Her master asked her why she was doing this but he was not pleased with her explanation. Roelof then beat her twice with an ox strap. Dina tried to run to Mrs Campher to ask her to stop Roelof from beating her. However, Roelof removed her clothes from the back, tied her to a ladder and continued to beat her with an ox strap. He gave her twenty-one lashes, and before beating her, Roelof said to Dina that he did not care about the law. After the beating Dina was forced to go back to work.
2470
2471
2472https://books.google.com/books?id=vhS5AAAAIAAJ&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=Dina
2473	Dina began her story by telling the Justice that on a Tuesday morning in mid October 1837 she had been 'occupied in digging the dung out of the kraal'. She was loading a wagon, which would later take the dung to the farm's garden. About noon, her master, Roeloff Campher, appeared at the...
2474
2475	...Dina, and he exclaimed, 'By God I shall now punish her, and she may complain.' By this, he seems to have meant that he would punish her until he was satisfied, the legal consequences be damed.
2476
2477	Dina said that at this point she 'creeped [sic] under Mrs Campher' and begged Campher not to tie her to the ladder, 'but to beat [her] loose'. Her pleas were useless. Campher ordered Philip to help him tie her to the ladder
2478
2479	...'On seeing this,' Sina said, 'I went and set [sic] behind the house--from there I could not see what took place with Dina.' She had heard, but had not seen, Dina begging Campher not to tie her to the ladder; she had heard the blows strike Dina and had counted 21 lashes; and she had heard Dina crying
2480
2481
2482another book on cape colony:
2483
2484https://books.google.com/books?id=Tl_wKc_zncwC&pg=PA30&lpg=PA30
2485	Enforcing regulations was made more difficult by the fact that there were too few Special Justices and their resources were too meager. There were numerous instances of Justices complaining of inadequate funds for living accomodations, office space, payment and compensation of witnesses, salaries of clerks and constables, and travel expenses. Benjamin D'Urban, who govorned the colony from 1834 to 1838, informed London in early 1835 that eight Special Justices "in an extensive colony with its thin and widely scattered population will be utterly inadequate" to enforce the apprenticeship rules. He repeated the point several years later, arguing that "the vast extent of the Colony renders nearly abortive" attempts to administer the apprenticeship regulations, resulting in "slender protection" for the apprentices. Special Justice Barnes in Swelendam reported that he was responsible for territory amounting to 9,000 square miles with more than 3,4000 apprentices. His funds, he complained, were quite inadequate for the task.
2486
2487	Not all Justices, however, were in such straitened conditions. The job of the Special Justice in Beaufort was described as a "perfect sinecure" by one official, probably because Beaufort district contained only 571 apprentices. Stellenbosch, by comparison, had 9,500.
2488
2489	...Apprentices often officially protested their punishments, especially when they had been inflicted by their masters outside the supervision of a Special Justice, and also brought other grievances before the justices. The ex-slave Manisa of the Cape, interviewed in 1914 when she was eighty-nine, reported that in disputes with masters, apprentices
2490
2491		were sent to the nearest landdrost [she probably meant the Special Justice, although other officials did sometimes her cases], who was supposed to hear both sides, but most of us found that they thrashed us without bothering to hear if we were in the right or in the wrong, and we had to make up our work when we got back to the farm.
2492
2493	Manisa added that "after a bit," by which she obviously meant after the end of apprenticeship, "we would hire ourselves out to a good baas [boss]; and that's were it was good to be free."
2494
2495	Manisa's negative assessment of the adjudication of disputes during the apprenticeship regime seems accurate in its essentials, but that did not mean that apprentices were always shortchanged by the system. In George, for example, apprentice Dina charged her master Roelof Campher with assault when he whipped her; he offered to free her if she would drop the charges. She did so, and the local justice took no action.
2496
2497
2498on "apprentices":
2499
2500
2501https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/handle/1887/4235/1246876_067.pdf?sequence=1
2502	In so doing, of course, it is important to realize that tfaere were two emancipations at the Cape, not one. As in the rest of the British Empire (outside India), 2 slaves were freed in 1834, although for four years thereafter they were held as 'apprentices' under restriction, which dif- fered hardly if at all from those which had been imposed on them under slavery. However, before the promulgation of Ordinance 50 in 1828, the colony's Khoisan suffered under civil disabilities as a result of which their de facto position only differed from slavery in that they could not be sold, or in any other ways transferred from one master (or mistress) to another. Thus emancipation, even as legal concept, was a process which covered at least a decade, not a single event
2503
2504
2505https://books.google.com/books?id=Tl_wKc_zncwC&pg=PA30&lpg=PA30
2506	In 1840, employers Gideo van Zyl and Gert van Eeden were sentenced to time in prison and fined for viciously whipping a former apprentice named Adonis Edon, who was reported to have been laid up four or five days after the punishment. His offense was that he had left van Zyl's service without notice. In this case, a complaint by a former slave was satisfied, but the fact that two white landed in prison must have intensified calls by employers and others for some new legal means to control labor.
2507
2508	Apprentices often appealed to the Special Justices on matters beyond the issues of punishment. This shows their determination to use what tools the state gave them to improve their circumstances, despite the slim chances of satisfaction. But even when cases were decided in favor of apprentices, they were sometimes frustrated. On one occasion, Special Justice Thomas Sherwin finded an employer for providing "insufficient maintenance" for her apprentice. The woman refused to pay, and Sherwin did now know how to collect. When he asked Cape Town for advice, he pointed out that the regulations specified no method of forcing compliance.
2509
2510	...Nevertheless, for Coloured in general and freed slaves in particular, the oppresive structure of colonial soviety remained thoroughly intact. The numerous cases of individual resistance, successful or not, often had the effect of angering white masters and contributing to a more generalized negative attitude by many whites toward people of a darker color, whom they viewed as - to borrow the language of the apprenticeship statute - frivolous, vexatious, and malicious. Often these descriptions were presented in ways suggesting that they were bilogically fixed, a point we shall analyze more fully later. The apprentices were also, as De Zuid Afrikaan put it, "most ungrateful" toward their "much maligned" masters. To the extent that some agents of the colonial state aided these ingrates, the state itself shared the obloquy.
2511
2512
2513Cape colony kept slavery for four years from 1834-1838 under "aprenticeship" system, which was during Great Trek of Boer from Cape Colony.
2514
2515Cape Colony had a court system for abuses of slaves by slave-owners or disputes between slaves and slave-owners. Justices complained that there were not enough funds for the task, and generally the system was understaffed and underfunded. The system was also organized poorly in that one Justice had district of 571 apprentices, while another had a distract over 9,5000. They only had 8 special justices for the colony, and Benjamin D'Urban told London these circumstances made attempts to enforce apprenticeship law "nearly abortive" and so offered "slender protection" for slaves.
2516
2517Though the justice system favored slave-owners, slaves often protested their punishments. An ex-slave said that in disputes they were sent to an official to hear both sides, but most found they were thrashed without officials bothering to hear their case.
2518
2519When cases did turn out favorably for slaves, it often had the effect of angering slave-owners (example?). Often slaves were described with racist rhetoric, that they had negative characteristics which were "biologically fixed." Slaves were described as "ungrateful" toward their "much maligned" masters.
2520
2521
2522courts were overworked and often got cases of punishment of slaves in apprenticeship era (others?), points to abuse being wide-spread problem though doesn't give hard numbers
2523
2524documented anecdotes are disturbing--why didn't this coalesce in something like abolitionist movement (did it?)
2525
2526
2527another thing:
2528
2529https://archive.org/stream/recordsofcapecol20theauoft/recordsofcapecol20theauoft_djvu.txt
2530	Records of the Cape Colony.
2531
2532	Letter from Earl Bathurst to Lord Charles Somerset. 
2533
2534	Downing Street, London, 8th February 1825. 
2535
2536	My Lord, — With reference to the correspondence which 
2537	has passed upon the subject of the measures which His 
2538	Majesty's Government have directed to be carried into effect 
2539	for ameliorating the condition of the Slave population in His 
2540	Majesty's Foreign Possessions, I transmit to your Excellency 
2541	herewith enclosed a copy of an Order of His Majesty in 
2542	Council which has been passed in order to provide for the 
2543	Religious Instruction of the Slaves in the Island of Trinidad 
2544	and for the improvement of their condition. 
2545
2546	I also annex copies of two Proclamations which have been 
2547	issued for the purpose of modifying and explaining certain 
2548	Provisions of the said Order. These Proclamations will at no 
2549	distant period be embodied into an additional Order in Council, 
2550	which will also contain a modification of the Clause numbered 
2551	42 in the Order of the 10th of March ; this modification will 
2552	render the forfeiture of Slaves on the second conviction dis- 
2553	cretional with the Court and the Clause will stand " cruel and 
2554	unlawful punishments " instead of " cruel or unlawful punish- 
2555	ments," which was a verbal error in the former Order. 
2556
2557	In order that the arrangements already adopted by your 
2558	Excellency and which it may further be deemed proper to 
2559	make upon this subject generally should harmonise as much 
2560	as possible with the measures enjoined in the enclosed Order 
2561	and Proclamations, I have to instruct your Excellency to 
2562	transmit to me a draft of an Order to be submitted to His 
2563	Majesty in Council which shall be framed in the spirit of the 
2564	Regulations laid down in those documents and adapted to 
2565	the Laws and State of the Settlement under your Excellency's 
2566	Government. I have &c. 
2567
2568	(Signed) Bathurst. 
2569
2570
2571this is a bad sign...
2572
2573more on scale, cour tdocs:
2574
2575https://books.google.com/books?id=4ydt9PZgv4cC&pg=PA5
2576	By 1834, the year of abolition, they numbered 34,241 out of a total population of 145,042, which also included whites and free blacks, the latter of whom defined as a people of at least partial non-European descent. Slaves thus comprised about 24 percent of the population. In the rural reigions in 1780, only 3.5 percent of farmers owned no slaves at all, and nearly 30 percent owned ten or more. (I have not found similar figures for the 1830s.)
2577
2578	...The transition from slave to quasi-free labor is a significant watershed in South Africa's history since Europeans began arriving in 1652. It is comparable to the change from a largely agrarian to an industrial society at the end of the nineteenth century and that from an Apartheid to democracy. The development of racial attitudes that came to dominate South African culture, the growth and elaboration of the Coloured community, and the effects of the Great Trek, which was prompted in part by the granting of freedom to slaves and other Coloureds between 1828 and 1838, were changes sufficiently momentous to warrant consideration alongside those two other developments. I hope this study will successfully explain why.
2579
2580	The primary evidence on which the study is based comes from contemporary newspapers and other publications; official letters, dispatches, and reports; missionary correspondence; travellers' accounts and participant's memiors; and court records. The bias in these sources is obvious. They are almost entirely written by whites, many of whom had axes to grind. To be sure, there is in some of these sources - for example, in judicial testimonies and depositions - evidence of Coloured and black attitudes. One problem with court documents, however, is that these statements are filtered through the media of translators and court clerks. Rob Turrell ads that, at least in the 1840s, records were not the work of court stenographers but of the judges themselves, as they "laboriously wrote down the translated evidence in English." Often the sophistication of witnesses' language makes it evident that the translator or the clerk is interpreting rather than recording testimony verbatim. And we cannot, of course, rule out mistakes. I know of no evidence, however, that translators, judges, or clerks consciously distorted the meaning of anyone's statements. I hope I have handled these sources with appropriate caution. If more non-European sources were available to me, much of value would undoubtedly be added to this work, and, perhaps, much altered.
2581
2582
258324% of Cape Colony population were slaves by 1834
2584
2585Great Trek prompted in part by granting freedom to slaves
2586
2587many whites were racist, and since court documents were translated, sometimes by judge themselves, there is a risk of bias or forgery. The author knows of no evidence of translators, judges, or clerks distorting anyones statements on purpose.
2588
2589
2590
2591another case:
2592
2593https://archive.org/stream/recordsofcapecol00thea_20/recordsofcapecol00thea_20_djvu.txt
2594	...December 27, 1826. The Secretary of the Cape District 
2595	versus Johannes Martinus Horak. For a breach of the 13th 
2596	Article of the Ordinance No. 19, in having ill-treated and 
2597	punished in an unlawful manner his female Slave, nam?d 
2598	Malatie. Complainant stated that her master had punished 
2599	her very severely with a horsewhip over the back and posteriors, 
2600	having caused two male Slaves to hold her down during the 
2601	time he was flogging her. Defendant acknowledged having 
2602	given her eighteen or twenty stripes with a riding whip, in 
2603	consequence of her repeated insolence and ill-behaviour, and of 
2604	her having occasioned a serious disturbance amongst the other 
2605	Slaves in his family. From the evidence brought forward, it 
2606	appeared that the conduct of complainant had for a long time 
2607	past been exceedingly disrespectful and reprehensible, on which 
2608	account Mr. Horak had made arrangements for selling her, 
2609	but had been induced to pardon her upon promise of amend- 
2610	ment. She is a large, strong and most violent woman, and 
2611	could not have been held down without the assistance of two 
2612	men. The R. 0. prosecutor c 1 aimed the fine prescribed by 
2613	the said 13th Article, for improper punishment of a female 
2614	Slave. The Court suspended judgment, and resolved that a 
2615	reference should be made to the law authorities, being, on 
2616	account of the extreme ill-conduct of the complainant, unwilling 
2617	to fine the defendant. 15th January 1827. — The Board of 
2618	Landdrost and Heemraden having reassembled to decide on 
2619	this case, rejected the claim of the prosecutor, and condemned 
2620	complainant in the costs. 
2621
2622Johannes Martinus Horak whipped Malatie severely 18-20 times over the back and posteriors after having caused two slaves to holder her down. This was brought to court for improper punishment of a female slave, for which the punishment is a fine. The court rejected the case on the grounds that Malatie "for a long time" had "disrespectful and reprehensible" conduct. 
2623
2624
2625next entry:
2626
2627
2628	December 27, 1826. Sabina, Slave of Alexander van Breda, 
2629	senior, — versus two sons of said Breda. A son of said Sabina 
2630	having hanged himself, a commission from the Board of 
2631	Landdrost and Heemraden proceeded, as is customary, to 
2632	examine the body, when it being understood that said Sabina 
2633	had mentioned amongst the other Slaves that she considered 
2634	that her son destroyed himself, in consequence of having been 
2635	beaten by two of her master’s sons ; it was therefore thought 
2636	proper that inquiry should be made into the circumstance, 
2637	and she was accordingly directed to appear before the full 
2638	board. The Guardian being requested to be present, the court 
2639	of inquest declared : That there were no appearances of 
2640	punishment on the body of the deceased ; and the surgeon’s 
2641	certificate stated, that after the most minute search, he could 
2642	not find the slightest mark of punishment. It was proved in 
2643	evidence that the deceased, who was about 13 years of age, 
2644	had been directed to look after four cows, which from his 
2645	negligence, in continually absenting himself, had done con- 
2646	siderable damage, and he in consequence received at one time 
2647	ten cuts, and at another, five cuts, with a small twig ; it appears 
2648	also, that he had again allowed the cows to do mischief in a 
2649	neighbouring vineyard, and in a plantation of young forest 
2650	trees ; and it was therefore thought that he had destroyed 
2651	himself from the apprehension of more severe chastisement. 
2652	The Board, upon these grounds, instantly dismissed the com- 
2653	plaint as false, and would have sentenced Sabina to punishment ; 
2654	but at the intercession of her master, she was allowed to return 
2655	home. 
2656
2657
2658The court concluded a 13 year old boy and slave hanged himself because he was scared of chastisement after he was negligent in looking after cows. The complaint of his mother, that the hanging was consequent on her masters two sons beating him, was instantly dismissed as false when a coroner's investigation found no signs of punishment but rather that the boy, in looking after the cows, had suffered 10 and then 5 cuts from a small twig. The boy's mother would have been sentenced to punishment, but was allowed to return home "at the intercession of her master."
2659
2660
2661next entry regarding potential wronging of black Africans in colony:
2662
2663
2664	...January 11, 1827. His Majesty’s Fiscal, versus Carel, of 
2665	Coenrad Johannes Fick, P-son. For inflicting a wound on the 
2666	Hottentot Adam, from the effect of which he died a short 
2667	time after. Proceedings had been originally instituted before 
2668	the Board of Landdrost and Heemraden at Stellenbosch ; and 
2669	after the necessary inquiry, the case had been referred to the 
2670	Court of Justice. (Vide No. 9 of the Report from Stellenbosch, 
2671	Appendix C, No. 3, of the Guardian’s last Report.) His 
2672	Majesty’s Fiscal stated, that there had been no wilful intention 
2673	on the part of the prisoner, and that the death of Adam had 
2674	arisen from accident, whilst Carel and Adam (both boys) were 
2675	playing together ; prisoner having unfortunately in his hand 
2676	an open knife, with which he was cutting tobacco, and the 
2677	deceased having rushed upon him. Adam did not die till 
2678	sixteen days after the wound had been inflicted, and in the 
2679	interim declared the wound to have been purely accidental. 
2680	The Court declared, that the confinement undergone by the 
2681	prisoner was sufficient punishment, and he was accordingly 
2682	released. 
2683
2684
2685The court was referred a case of "inflicting a wound" on the Khoikhoi boy Adam, "from the effect of which he died a short time later." The court found that Adam had ran into boy Carel, who was cutting tabacco with a kinfe, and recieved the wound that he died from 16 days later, not before declaring the wound was purely accidental. The court declared the confinement of Carel was punishment enough, and he was released. 
2686
2687
2688next entry of same type:
2689
2690	
2691	...January 27, 1827. The Secretary of the Cape District, versus 
2692	J. G. Frank van Reenen. For ill-treatment of his female Slave 
2693	Rosina. It appeared that about six weeks since said Van 
2694	Reenen and his wife having been absent from home, discovered, 
2695	on their return, that some rice, sugar, coffee and candles had 
2696	been stolen from the store-room, and suspecting Rosina to 
2697	have committed the theft, or to have been privy to it, her 
2698	master punished her, after which she absconded, and was found 
2699	in the bushes about a month afterwards, and sent to the field 
2700	cornet’s, whence her master brought her home, and having tied 
2701	her up, flogged her with a quince switch ; the marks of punish- 
2702	ment were still visible on her posteriors. Complainant having 
2703	requested the attendance of three more witnesses on her behalf, 
2704	and the Court having directed summonses to that effect to be 
2705	issued, adjourned. 29th January : — said case resumed. The 
2706	three witnesses required by the complainant (all young children) 
2707	were examined : two of them stated that defendant had 
2708	flogged said Rosina partly on the back and shoulder, and partly 
2709	on the posteriors. The prosecutor in his claim stated, that 
2710	although complainant had at various times greatly miscon- 
2711	ducted herself, yet the punishment inflicted by the defendant 
2712	being in breach of the 13th Article of the Ordinance No. 19, he 
2713	had rendered himself liable to the fine therein specified, being 
2714	five pounds sterling, which he consequently claimed ; and the 
2715	Court accordingly sentenced the defendant to pay the said sum. 
2716
2717
2718Frank van Reenen returned home after six weeks absence and found some rice, sugar, coffee and candles had been stolen from the store room, and suspected Rosina committed the theft or knew about it. van Reenan flogged Rosina. Rosina fled and was found a month later, then van Reenan brought her back, tied her up, and flogged her again with a switch. The flogging left marks on Rosina. The court found that though Rosian "misconducted herself at various times", the punishment was unlawful, and ordered van Reenen to pay a fine of five pounds.
2719
2720
2721next entry of same type:
2722
2723
2724	...February 1, 1827. The Secretary of the Cape District versus 
2725	Johannes Christian Kotze, Jan’s son. For severely flogging 
2726	his female Slave Eva. Complainant stated, that she was 
2727	making bread for the family, and told her mistress that there 
2728	was so much barley to mix in it that it would not bind, which 
2729	being represented to her master, he immediately got angry and 
2730	called for a sambok, (a species of whip made from the hide of 
2731	the hippopotamus or rhinoceros) with which he gave her 25 
2732	lashes, and within a short period 25 more, for which she could 
2733	assign no reason. When she was flogged, her hands and legs 
2734	were tied, and her hands being placed under her knees, a stick 
2735	was passed between, and she was then thrown on the floor, and 
2736	flogged on the back, shoulders and posteriors ; her clothes, 
2737	however, being on. The medical certificate stated, that on 
2738	examination there were found a considerable number of marks 
2739	and stripes, some of which were in an ulcerated state, on her 
2740	shoulders, back, posteriors and arms. The witnesses for 
2741	defendant gave Eva a bad character. The prosecutor claimed 
2742	that the complainant might be sold, and never again become 
2743	the property of the defendant, or that of his wife, children, 
2744	parents, brothers and sisters. The Court rejected the claim of 
2745	the prosecutor, and sentenced the defendant to a fine of £30 
2746	sterling, with costs.
2747
2748
2749Eva told court she was making bread for the Kotzes, and told Mrs. Kotze that there was so much barely in it that it wouldn't bind, then Mrs. Ktoze told this to Mr. Kotze, who tied up Eva's hands and legs and whipped her 25 times, then later 25 more for which she couldn't assign a reason. This left many marks, some of which were in an "ulcerated state." Kotze and his witness said Eva had poor character and that she might be sold and never again become his property or of his wife and children. The court ordered Kotze to pay a fine of 30 pounds.
2750
2751next entry February 23, 1827 something about manumission dispute
2752
2753after that:
2754
2755
2756	...March 7, 1827. The Secretary of the Cape District versus 
2757	Jan Willem Eksteen. J. P. son. On a charge of ill-treatment 
2758	preferred by his Slave Jupiter. For the defendant it was 
2759	proved in evidence, that Jupiter, having conducted himself in 
2760	a very insolent manner, in consequence of not receiving his 
2761	dinner exactly at the usual time, was, by direction of the 
2762	defendant, taken to the prison at Rondebosch ; where, as he 
2763	expressed no regret for his ill behaviour, it was found necessary, 
2764	for example’s sake, to cause him to be punished. Upon being 
2765	brought back, he for some time neglected to go to his work ; 
2766	and when his master desired him to do it, he went towards the 
2767	vineyard, making use of very violent language ; when, defen- 
2768	dant asking him what he meant by such conduct, he came 
2769	forward in a most insolent and insubordinate manner, and 
2770	having a pruning knife in his hand for the purpose of cutting 
2771	the vines, his behaviour was so unruly and threatening, that 
2772	defendant caused him to be laid down by the other Slaves, and 
2773	gave him 20 stripes upon his posteriors with a walking cane 
2774	about the thickness of a finger. The Court, however, con- 
2775	sidering the conduct of defendant unjustifiable, on account of 
2776	his residing so near the prison, to which he might have sent 
2777	complainant a second time, and had him tried for his disorderly 
2778	behaviour, fined him five pounds sterling.
2779
2780
2781Court found Jupiter had condcuted himself in a "very insolent manner" because he didn't get dinner exactly at the usual time. For this Eksteen took him to the prison at Rondesbosch, where, "for Jupiter's sake" it was found necessary to punish him since he expressed no regret for his "ill behavior." When Jupiter was brought back, didn't go to work for some time, and when Eksteen confronted him on this Jupiter came forward "in a most insolent and insubordiante manner" while holding a pruning kinfe for the purpose of cutting vines (I thought he wasn't at work?). His behaviour was "so unruly and threatening" that Eksteen caused him to be held down and beat him 20 times with a walking cane. The Court considered Ecksteens conduct unjustifiable since he could have brought him back to the prison instead, and fined him five pounds sterling.
2782
2783
2784next entry involving complaint by a slave:
2785
2786
2787	March 19, 1827. His Majesty’s Fiscal, versus Lodewyk, 
2788	Slave of Coenrad Hendrik Laubscher, senior. On a complaint 
2789	of his master, that he, Lodewyk, had struck him several blows 
2790	about the face and head, either with his fist or some hard 
2791	substance inclosed within his hand, by which said Laubscher 
2792	was severely cut and bruised. The prisoner, having heard the 
2793	charge, stated, that his master having slept the whole night in 
2794	his waggon, which was outspanned, (unteamed, and the horses 
2795	allowed to graze,) at the Drie Fonteinen, on getting up, on a 
2796	Friday morning, called him to put on his shoes ; and that 
2797	whilst he was so doing, his master said that he hurt his foot, 
2798	which was sore, and thereupon kicked him violently in the 
2799	throat, and struck him several blows ; and on coming down 
2800	from the waggon, was reaching his gun, when he (prisoner) 
2801	being apprehensive that his master intended to shoot him, 
2802	clasped him round the body to prevent him ; when he, Laub- 
2803	scher, in consequence of the horses moving on, fell against some 
2804	of the iron work of the waggon, by which his face was much 
2805	cut and bruised. That he (the prisoner,) seeing this, ran off, 
2806	to get out of the reach of the gun, saying at the same time, 
2807	that he did not intend to desert, but that he knew where he 
2808	would go, meaning, that he would go to Cape Town to complain 
2809	of his master’s ill-usage (showing at the same time a wound 
2810	on his head, which he stated to haAm been inflicted by his 
2811	master with the thick end of the waggon whip ;) that he 
2812	did accordingly come to town for that purpose, when Mr. 
2813	Servaas de Kock caused him to be apprehended ; said Laub- 
2814	scher having previously arrived in town, and lodged his com- 
2815	plaint at the Landdrost’s office. Prisoner objected to the 
2816	Slave boy Mentor of complainant, being admitted as a witness, 
2817	on the ground that his master had promised him his freedom. 
2818	Coenrad Hendrik Laubscher, (the complainant), stated in 
2819	substance as follows : That he was on his way from Cape 
2820	Town to his farm, and having slept in his waggon during the 
2821	night between the 8th and 9th of January, was getting up in 
2822	the morning, when he called prisoner, who was helping to 
2823	harness the horses, to put the shoe on his left foot, he having a 
2824	bad leg ; in doing which Lodewyk hurt him very much, and 
2825	on being asked, why he did so ? answered impertinently that 
2826	he had not hurt him ; when he, complainant, told him he 
2827	deserved nothing better than a kick for his insolence. That 
2828	being about to start on his journey, he wished first to get down 
2829	from his waggon, and being infirm from the sore on his leg, he 
2830	was getting down from the back part with his face tOwards the 
2831	waggon, when just as he was about to put his foot to the 
2832	ground, the prisoner cried out, “ What will you now do to me ? ” 
2833	and instantly struck him a violent blow on the forehead, from 
2834	the effect of which he immediately fell to the ground ; and 
2835	AA'hen in the act of rising, he was again knocked down by the 
2836	prisoner, who then struck him several more blows on the face, 
2837	by which he was severely bruised. That upon getting up 
2838	again, he called to the boy Mentor, who was at the head of the 
2839	horses, to give him the whip, which he was doing, when the 
2840	horses first began to move on ; and he, complainant, having 
2841	caught hold of the whip by the small end, made a blow at the 
2842	prisoner, which might possibly have reached him ; in so doing 
2843	however, the whip broke, and Lodewyk laid hold of the thick 
2844	end, when he, complainant, called to Mentor, to make the 
2845	reins fast, and to endeavour to secure him by the legs. Prisoner 
2846	however went away a short distance, and turning round, said, 
2847	it was of little consequence whether he died today or to- 
2848	morrow, and began feeling in his pockets as if for a knife, 
2849	upon which, and not before, he, Laubscher, got down his gun 
2850	from the waggon, and went in search of Lodewyk, but it being 
2851	a misty morning, he could not find him. That in consequence 
2852	of these circumstances he returned to Cape Town, to represent 
2853	them to the Landdrost. On being questioned by the Guardian, 
2854	complainant denied having struck or kicked the prisoner ; 
2855	and stated that his conduct was generally good, but that 
2856	during the whole of this last journey to Cape Town, he had 
2857	not behaved well. Mentor, Slave of complainant, stated the 
2858	case nearly as said Laubscher had done ; adding that his 
2859	master promised him his freedom, when he called him to 
2860	assist in securing Lodewyk. In answer to questions put by the 
2861	Guardian, witness said, that he did not see his master strike 
2862	or kick Lodewyk when he put on his shoe, but that it might 
2863	have happened without his seeing it. Witness saw Lodewyk 
2864	strike his master in the face as he was getting down from the 
2865	waggon, but the horses beginning to move on just at that time, 
2866	he fell towards the waggon with his face downwards ; and 
2867	further, that when Lodewyk struck complainant, he did not 
2868	perceive that he had any thing in his hand, but thinks he 
2869	struck him with his fist only. Lodewyk having in the course 
2870	of his statement mentioned, that on his way to Cape Town, 
2871	he had gone to a brook near the Driefonteinen, where he had 
2872	washed his handkerchief, which was bloody, and having found 
2873	two women washing, he showed them the wound in his head, 
2874	and told them how he had received it, the Court closed in 
2875	order to consider the propriety of examining these women and 
2876	other persons, and also to decide respecting the request of the 
2877	Guardian, that a curator should be allowed for the defence of 
2878	the prisoner, as the charge against him was, by the laws of the 
2879	colony, of a capital nature. The Court having re-opened, it 
2880	was resolved to cause the other witnesses to be summoned, and 
2881	to appoint Mr. Advocate De Wet, curator for the prisoner. 
2882	The Court then adjourned. 19th April 1827 : — The trial of 
2883	Lodewyk was this day resumed, when the following persons 
2884	were examined. Doctor Liesching deposed, that he had been 
2885	called to examine the complainant, on his arrival at the 
2886	Landdrost’s office, and considered that the wounds upon his 
2887	face might have been occasioned by his falling upon some 
2888	sharp substance, as well as from blows. Van Schalkwyk, field 
2889	cornet of Groenkloof, declared, that all he knew of the case 
2890	was from what he had been told by complainant. Louis Greeff 
2891	deposed, that having heard Mr. Laubsclier’s complaint at the 
2892	Landdrost’s office, he was afterwards standing on the steps of 
2893	Servaas de Kock’s house, in Cape Toavii, when seeing the 
2894	prisoner (whom he knew) passing by, he called to him, and 
2895	asked him where he was going ; upon which prisoner said 
2896	“ Have you not heard that my master was going to shoot me, 
2897	and that I was obliged to strike him in my own defence ; ” 
2898	and on being asked by witness on what part he had struck his 
2899	master, he replied “ in the face.” Prisoner asked the witness 
2900	if he meant positively to assert that he had told him that he 
2901	had struck his master in the face ; to which Greeff answered, 
2902	“ yes ; you did say so, and that your master fell in consequence, 
2903	and on getting up, called Mentor to give him the whip, with 
2904	which you said he struck you on the head, and called upon 
2905	Mentor to help in securing you, promising at the same time to 
2906	make him free.” Witness further deposed, that Lodewyk told 
2907	him, that after the blows had passed, his master wished to get 
2908	up into his waggon to reach his gun, and that he caught hold 
2909	of him twice by the waist, and drew him back to prevent him 
2910	from getting it. Servaas de Kock deposed, that having been 
2911	informed by the preceding witness that the Slave Lodewyk, of 
2912	Conrad Hendrik Laubscher, was at his door, he desired Greeff 
2913	to keep him in conversation, and in the mean time sent for two 
2914	constables ; upon the arrival of whom, witness asked the 
2915	prisoner what had brought him to town, when he replied that 
2916	he had come to complain of his master, and witness then sent 
2917	him to the Landdrost’s office. Prisoner made the same state- 
2918	ment to witness as to Greeff, and added that he heard his 
2919	master say he was wounded ; and that he had in consequence 
2920	come to town to complain. Two Slaves, named Silvia and 
2921	Candace, were examined respecting the statement of prisoner, 
2922	that he had gone to a brook where they were washing, and had 
2923	shown them the wound in his head, and told them how he had 
2924	received it ; but nothing was elicited ; the last-mentioned, in 
2925	reply to a question from the Guardian, said, that he did not 
2926	mention any thing on the subject, nor did she see him wash 
2927	any handkerchief, but that he asked her for a small piece of 
2928	bread (which she gave him), drank some water and went away. 
2929	The Court adjourned. 24th April 1827 : — Proceedings in the 
2930	case of Lodewyk being this day resumed, His Majesty’s Fiscal, 
2931	after citing the law in cases where a Slave should lift his hand 
2932	against his master, and stating the punishment to be death ; 
2933	and having remarked upon the several points in evidence, 
2934	claimed that the prisoner be hanged by the neck until dead, or 
2935	such other mitigated punishment as the Court may think proper. 
2936	The prisoner’s defence was ably conducted by Mr. Advocate 
2937	De Wet, who contended that the evidence of Mentor ought not 
2938	to be received, as he was an interested witness, his master 
2939	having promised him his freedom ; that the criminal law 
2940	required that there should be two witnesses to convict a 
2941	prisoner capitally ; that the law by which the penalty of 
2942	death was awarded to a Slave striking his master had been for 
2943	a long time in disuse ; that the circumstances of the colony 
2944	were much changed, as the population had so much increased ; 
2945	and that this case was not of such atrocity as to call for so 
2946	severe a punishment, even if the Slave had struck his master 
2947	in the manner alleged, which however he contended had not 
2948	been proved, and he therefore prayed that the claim of the 
2949	Fiscal should be rejected, with costs. The Court was cleared 
2950	for deliberation, and on being reopened, sentence of death 
2951	was passed upon the prisoner. (Vide 23 June of this Report.) 
2952	March 19, 1827. His Majesty’s Fiscal, versus Lodewyk, 
2953	Slave of Coenrad Hendrik Laubscher, senior. On a complaint 
2954	of his master, that he, Lodewyk, had struck him several blows 
2955	about the face and head, either with his fist or some hard 
2956	substance inclosed within his hand, by which said Laubscher 
2957	was severely cut and bruised. The prisoner, having heard the 
2958	charge, stated, that his master having slept the whole night in 
2959	his waggon, which was outspanned, (unteamed, and the horses 
2960	allowed to graze,) at the Drie Fonteinen, on getting up, on a 
2961	Friday morning, called him to put on his shoes ; and that 
2962	whilst he was so doing, his master said that he hurt his foot, 
2963	which was sore, and thereupon kicked him violently in the 
2964	throat, and struck him several blows ; and on coming down 
2965	from the waggon, was reaching his gun, when he (prisoner) 
2966	being apprehensive that his master intended to shoot him, 
2967	clasped him round the body to prevent him ; when he, Laub- 
2968	scher, in consequence of the horses moving on, fell against some 
2969	of the iron work of the waggon, by which his face was much 
2970	cut and bruised. That he (the prisoner,) seeing this, ran off, 
2971	to get out of the reach of the gun, saying at the same time, 
2972	that he did not intend to desert, but that he knew where he 
2973	would go, meaning, that he would go to Cape Town to complain 
2974	of his master’s ill-usage (showing at the same time a wound 
2975	on his head, which he stated to haAm been inflicted by his 
2976	master with the thick end of the waggon whip ;) that he 
2977	did accordingly come to town for that purpose, when Mr. 
2978	Servaas de Kock caused him to be apprehended ; said Laub- 
2979	scher having previously arrived in town, and lodged his com- 
2980	plaint at the Landdrost’s office. Prisoner objected to the 
2981	Slave boy Mentor of complainant, being admitted as a witness, 
2982	on the ground that his master had promised him his freedom. 
2983	Coenrad Hendrik Laubscher, (the complainant), stated in 
2984	substance as follows : That he was on his way from Cape 
2985	Town to his farm, and having slept in his waggon during the 
2986	night between the 8th and 9th of January, was getting up in 
2987	the morning, when he called prisoner, who was helping to 
2988	harness the horses, to put the shoe on his left foot, he having a 
2989	bad leg ; in doing which Lodewyk hurt him very much, and 
2990	on being asked, why he did so ? answered impertinently that 
2991	he had not hurt him ; when he, complainant, told him he 
2992	deserved nothing better than a kick for his insolence. That 
2993	being about to start on his journey, he wished first to get down 
2994	from his waggon, and being infirm from the sore on his leg, he 
2995	was getting down from the back part with his face tOwards the 
2996	waggon, when just as he was about to put his foot to the 
2997	ground, the prisoner cried out, “ What will you now do to me ? ” 
2998	and instantly struck him a violent blow on the forehead, from 
2999	the effect of which he immediately fell to the ground ; and 
3000	AA'hen in the act of rising, he was again knocked down by the 
3001	prisoner, who then struck him several more blows on the face, 
3002	by which he was severely bruised. That upon getting up 
3003	again, he called to the boy Mentor, who was at the head of the 
3004	horses, to give him the whip, which he was doing, when the 
3005	horses first began to move on ; and he, complainant, having 
3006	caught hold of the whip by the small end, made a blow at the 
3007	prisoner, which might possibly have reached him ; in so doing 
3008	however, the whip broke, and Lodewyk laid hold of the thick 
3009	end, when he, complainant, called to Mentor, to make the 
3010	reins fast, and to endeavour to secure him by the legs. Prisoner 
3011	however went away a short distance, and turning round, said, 
3012	it was of little consequence whether he died today or to- 
3013	morrow, and began feeling in his pockets as if for a knife, 
3014	upon which, and not before, he, Laubscher, got down his gun 
3015	from the waggon, and went in search of Lodewyk, but it being 
3016	a misty morning, he could not find him. That in consequence 
3017	of these circumstances he returned to Cape Town, to represent 
3018	them to the Landdrost. On being questioned by the Guardian, 
3019	complainant denied having struck or kicked the prisoner ; 
3020	and stated that his conduct was generally good, but that 
3021	during the whole of this last journey to Cape Town, he had 
3022	not behaved well. Mentor, Slave of complainant, stated the 
3023	case nearly as said Laubscher had done ; adding that his 
3024	master promised him his freedom, when he called him to 
3025	assist in securing Lodewyk. In answer to questions put by the 
3026	Guardian, witness said, that he did not see his master strike 
3027	or kick Lodewyk when he put on his shoe, but that it might 
3028	have happened without his seeing it. Witness saw Lodewyk 
3029	strike his master in the face as he was getting down from the 
3030	waggon, but the horses beginning to move on just at that time, 
3031	he fell towards the waggon with his face downwards ; and 
3032	further, that when Lodewyk struck complainant, he did not 
3033	perceive that he had any thing in his hand, but thinks he 
3034	struck him with his fist only. Lodewyk having in the course 
3035	of his statement mentioned, that on his way to Cape Town, 
3036	he had gone to a brook near the Driefonteinen, where he had 
3037	washed his handkerchief, which was bloody, and having found 
3038	two women washing, he showed them the wound in his head, 
3039	and told them how he had received it, the Court closed in 
3040	order to consider the propriety of examining these women and 
3041	other persons, and also to decide respecting the request of the 
3042	Guardian, that a curator should be allowed for the defence of 
3043	the prisoner, as the charge against him was, by the laws of the 
3044	colony, of a capital nature. The Court having re-opened, it 
3045	was resolved to cause the other witnesses to be summoned, and 
3046	to appoint Mr. Advocate De Wet, curator for the prisoner. 
3047	The Court then adjourned. 19th April 1827 : — The trial of 
3048	Lodewyk was this day resumed, when the following persons 
3049	were examined. Doctor Liesching deposed, that he had been 
3050	called to examine the complainant, on his arrival at the 
3051	Landdrost’s office, and considered that the wounds upon his 
3052	face might have been occasioned by his falling upon some 
3053	sharp substance, as well as from blows. Van Schalkwyk, field 
3054	cornet of Groenkloof, declared, that all he knew of the case 
3055	was from what he had been told by complainant. Louis Greeff 
3056	deposed, that having heard Mr. Laubsclier’s complaint at the 
3057	Landdrost’s office, he was afterwards standing on the steps of 
3058	Servaas de Kock’s house, in Cape Toavii, when seeing the 
3059	prisoner (whom he knew) passing by, he called to him, and 
3060	asked him where he was going ; upon which prisoner said 
3061	“ Have you not heard that my master was going to shoot me, 
3062	and that I was obliged to strike him in my own defence ; ” 
3063	and on being asked by witness on what part he had struck his 
3064	master, he replied “ in the face.” Prisoner asked the witness 
3065	if he meant positively to assert that he had told him that he 
3066	had struck his master in the face ; to which Greeff answered, 
3067	“ yes ; you did say so, and that your master fell in consequence, 
3068	and on getting up, called Mentor to give him the whip, with 
3069	which you said he struck you on the head, and called upon 
3070	Mentor to help in securing you, promising at the same time to 
3071	make him free.” Witness further deposed, that Lodewyk told 
3072	him, that after the blows had passed, his master wished to get 
3073	up into his waggon to reach his gun, and that he caught hold 
3074	of him twice by the waist, and drew him back to prevent him 
3075	from getting it. Servaas de Kock deposed, that having been 
3076	informed by the preceding witness that the Slave Lodewyk, of 
3077	Conrad Hendrik Laubscher, was at his door, he desired Greeff 
3078	to keep him in conversation, and in the mean time sent for two 
3079	constables ; upon the arrival of whom, witness asked the 
3080	prisoner what had brought him to town, when he replied that 
3081	he had come to complain of his master, and witness then sent 
3082	him to the Landdrost’s office. Prisoner made the same state- 
3083	ment to witness as to Greeff, and added that he heard his 
3084	master say he was wounded ; and that he had in consequence 
3085	come to town to complain. Two Slaves, named Silvia and 
3086	Candace, were examined respecting the statement of prisoner, 
3087	that he had gone to a brook where they were washing, and had 
3088	shown them the wound in his head, and told them how he had 
3089	received it ; but nothing was elicited ; the last-mentioned, in 
3090	reply to a question from the Guardian, said, that he did not 
3091	mention any thing on the subject, nor did she see him wash 
3092	any handkerchief, but that he asked her for a small piece of 
3093	bread (which she gave him), drank some water and went away. 
3094	The Court adjourned. 24th April 1827 : — Proceedings in the 
3095	case of Lodewyk being this day resumed, His Majesty’s Fiscal, 
3096	after citing the law in cases where a Slave should lift his hand 
3097	against his master, and stating the punishment to be death ; 
3098	and having remarked upon the several points in evidence, 
3099	claimed that the prisoner be hanged by the neck until dead, or 
3100	such other mitigated punishment as the Court may think proper. 
3101	The prisoner’s defence was ably conducted by Mr. Advocate 
3102	De Wet, who contended that the evidence of Mentor ought not 
3103	to be received, as he was an interested witness, his master 
3104	having promised him his freedom ; that the criminal law 
3105	required that there should be two witnesses to convict a 
3106	prisoner capitally ; that the law by which the penalty of 
3107	death was awarded to a Slave striking his master had been for 
3108	a long time in disuse ; that the circumstances of the colony 
3109	were much changed, as the population had so much increased ; 
3110	and that this case was not of such atrocity as to call for so 
3111	severe a punishment, even if the Slave had struck his master 
3112	in the manner alleged, which however he contended had not 
3113	been proved, and he therefore prayed that the claim of the 
3114	Fiscal should be rejected, with costs. The Court was cleared 
3115	for deliberation, and on being reopened, sentence of death 
3116	was passed upon the prisoner. (Vide 23 June of this Report.) 
3117
3118
3119Coenrad Hendrik Laubscher is complainant in this one, in a matter of a dispute between him and his slave Lodewyk. Laubscher's charge is that Lodewyk struck him him several times in the head, either with his fist or a hard object enclosed in his hand.
3120
3121Laubhscher is a senior citizen with a bad leg or foot. He has two slaves, Lodewyk and a boy Mentor, both present at the time of the incident. All three and additional witnesses gave testimony. Both Laubscher and Lodewyk had wounds on their head.
3122
3123Where the testimonies agree: Laubscher was sitting in his wagon and called Lodewyk to help him put on his shoes. In so doing Lodewyk hurt Laubhscher's foot, and an altercation ensued. Laubscher went for his gun and Lodewyk ran away. Lodewyk showed his head wound to two women washing at a brook, then went to town to bring a complaint at the Landdrost's office. Laubscher had got to the Landrost's office first, where his complaint was heard by Greef. Lodewyk then arrived and talked to Greef on the steps of de Kock's house while de Kock called the police on Lodewyk. 
3124
3125Where the testimonies differ:
3126
3127Lodewyk says Laubscher said he hurt his foot while putting on his shoe and kicked him in the throat and struck him several times. Lodewyk saw Laubscher reaching for his gun and clasped him around the body to stop him. Laubscher fell and hit his face because the horses started moving, and Lodewyk ran away to escape Laubscher's gun, saying he would go to town to complain of Laubscher's abuse. On his way there Lodewyk showed his head wound to the two women at the brook and told them how he got it, and made it to town where he was apprehanded by de Kock, Laubscher having made it to down first and lodging a compaint witth the Landrost's office.
3128
3129Laubscher says while helping him put on his shoe Lodewyk hurt him very much, asked Lodewyk why he hurt his foot and Lodewyk answered impertinently that he didn't, to which Laubshcer replied that he deserved a kick for his insolence. While Laubscher was getting off his wagon, Lodewyk cried "What will you now do to me?" and knocked him down with a blow to the forehead, then knocked him down again after he got up and hit him several more times in the face. Laubscher called for a whip to Mentor, who was at drivers seat for the horses, while the horses started to move. Laubscher attacked Lodewyk with the whip, which might have hit him but it broke. Laubscher asked Mentor to grab Lodewyk's legs but Lodewyk went away a short distance and said it didn't matter if he died today or tomorow and started reaching for a knife in his pocket, upon which Laubscher went for his gun. He went on search for Lodewyk but it was a misty morning so he couldn't find him. Upon being questioned, Laubscher denied kicking Lodwyk and said his conduct was generally good, but during his last journey to Cape Town he hadn't behaved well.
3130
3131Mentor said "nearly the same" as Labuscher. He added that Laubscher had promised him his freedom when he called him to assist in securing Lodewyk. When questioned, Mentor said he did not see laubscher strike or kick Lodewyk, but it might have happened while he wasn't looking. He said he saw Lodewyk hit Laubscher as he was getting down from the wagon, but the horses started moving at that time and Laubscher fell face down. He did not see Lodewyk hit Laubscher with anything in his hand.
3132
3133A doctor examined Laubscher's head wound and said it could be from falling on a sharp substance or from blows.
3134
3135Louis Greeff was the one who heard Laubscher's complaint at the Landdrost's office. Greef said he was later standing on the steps of de Knock's house and saw Lodewyk (who he know) passing by. Greeff said he called to him and Lodewyk told him haven't you heard my master was going to shoot me and I struck him in self defense. Greeff said he asked Lodewyk where he struck him and Lodewyk replied "on the face." Upon hearing this at court, Lodewyk asked Greeff if he meant positively to assert  he told him he struck Laubscher on the face, and Greef answered yes, you said so, and that Laubscher fell, got up, called Mentor for the whip, with which you said he struck you on the head, then called Mentor to help while promising to make him free.
3136
3137de Kock told court that when Greeff told him Lodewyk, of Conrad Labuscher, had arrived, he asked Greeff to talk to him and sent for the police. When they got there, de Kock asked Lodewyk why he was there. Lodewyk replied that he came to complain of Laubscher and Greeff sent him to the Landdrost's office. Lodewyk made the same statement to de Kock as to Greeff and added that he heard Laubscher say he was wounded and so came to town to complain.
3138
3139From Silva and Candice, who were at the brook, "nothing was elicited," but when Candice was questioned she said Lodewyk didn't mention anything about the incident and didn't see him wash a handkerchief, but that he asked for a piece of bread, drank some water and left. 
3140
3141
3142
3143
3144Laubscher testimony has problems:
3145
3146
3147says whip attack "might have" hit Lodewyk, but if "might have not" then how did Lodewyk get his head wound? Also weird he says whip broke at that instant, among other improbable things in his testimony.
3148
3149story that Lodewyk cried "what will you now do to me!" and started punching him in the face doesn't make any sense, nor does his story of Lodewyk moving away and declaring "I don't care if I live or die today!" Lodewyk comes off not insane, going to town to lodge complaint, asking Greeff if he wants to double-down on his testmimony, coming to court with witnesses and making arguments for his life (like pointing out problem with Mentor testimony given offer of freedom), which points to Lodewyk in fact caring if he "lived or died today."
3150
3151Comes off as Laubscher needing to give excuse for grabbing his gun, that Lodewyk declared a death wish and reached for a knife in his pocket. Also giving excuse that hadn't behaved well last time in Cape Town but his "conduct was generally good."
3152
3153Like Lodewyk pointed out, Mentor's testimony a problem since Mentor (who was a boy) was promised his freedom from a master who sometimes doesn't "behave well." If Mentor's testimony the same as Laubschers, starts to differ when questioned, saying maybe Laubscher kicked Lodewyk, that he fell when the wagon started to move, and he didn't see anything in Lodewyk's hand when he hit Laubscher.
3154
3155Last point is important given that Laubscher had a gash in his head, but being hit by a fist wouldn't explain that. Laubscher said Lodewyk possibly had something hard in his hand while Lodewyck and Mentor said he fell when the wagon started to move.
3156
3157On excuses in Laubscher's testimony, the "misty morning" also relevant. Why didn't Laubscher chase after him? Laubscher had a gun and surely could have apprehended him on account that he had horses and made it to town first. But important that Lodewyck (according to him) told Laubscher that he intended to go to the Landdrost's office, and apparently Laubscher's reaction was to get there quickly.
3158
3159If not mistaken, a slave attacking someone and running away would be something for the police and sort-of an "emergency", while the Landdrost's office was used for disputes between slave-owners and slaves (see this on role of Landdrost in crimes: https://books.google.com/books?id=AMEbAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA25&lpg=PA25). So apparently Laubscher beleived Lodewyck when he said he didn't intend to run away and would go to the Landdrost's office, and cared more about what Lodewyck was going to say than him supposedly beating him and running away.
3160
3161Maybe Laubscher would have other reasons to get to the Landdrost office first, because Greeff and de Kock acted strangely as well. de Kock and Greeff had already met with Laubscher, and when Lodewyck got there Greeff was already waiting on the steps. They had Greeff keep him busy while de Kock sent for the police. Greeff gives a testimony that's hearsay of Lodewyck, with Lodewyck challenging it in court asking him if he wanted to double-down that Lodewyck told him he struck Laubscher in the head. de Kock said Lodewyck told him same story he told Greeff (not sure what his addition means). It would be unusual for Lodewyck to go to town to tell an incriminating story to two officials then tell a different story in court.
3162
3163
3164What probably happened: Laubscher got angry at Lodewyck for hurting his foot and started attacking him. He fell of the wagon and got a gash in his face. At some point during this, Laubscher reached for his gun while Lodewyck was hitting him and trying to stop him. During the struggle, Laubscher asked Mentor for help, promising him his freedom.
3165
3166Laubscher got his gun, and Lodewyck ran off saying he was going to the Landdrost's office. At this point, Laubscher realized he was in trouble. Though he wasn't "well behaved" before, he knew he might find some sympathetic officials at the Landdrost's office. He made sure to get there before Lodewyck, and met Greeff and de Kock, and they set up to wait for Lodewyck.
3167
3168Lodewyck showed up, told Greeff and possibly de Kock his story, and was arrested before he could tell anybody else. At the trial, the boy Mentor told something "similar" to Laubscher's story with promises of his freedom, but cracked a little when questioned. When, after this and the doctor's report, it was clear at this point Mentor's testimony wasn't enough, Greeff and de Kock came in to give hearsay of Lodewyck's account that put words in his mouth. Silva and Candice, the only others to have heard Lodewyck's story before he was arrested, where one way or another made to be silent, and Greeff and de Kock's testimony settled the case.
3169
3170
3171this would explain why Laubscher had to make so many excuses, why he promised Mentor his freedom for help (if locked in struggle he started), why Mentor testimony same as Laubscher then starts to differ on questioning, why Lodewick thought he had a case with the Landdrost's office, why Laubscher went to Greeff and de Kock right away, and why they arrested him and gave different testimonies from Lodewyck.
3172
3173Overall this fits with the rest of cases so far in here and how officials and slave-owners treated blacks
3174
3175
3176either way on this testimony Lodewyck was sentenced to death
3177
3178
3179Cape Colony was either a strange place where 13 year old African boys hang themselves, run into slave-owning boys holding knives, and African men start suddenly attacking their masters while yelling "I don't care if I live or die!" and reaching for a knife, or some kind of sadist haven horror show. System of law here completely inversed--should be that people enslaving and torturing people are put to death, instead the victims of such were put to death for trying to defend themselves.
3180
3181
3182
3183
3184------
3185
3186
3187https://www.koersjournal.org.za/index.php/koers/article/viewFile/720/833
3188	Shortly after Van Riebeeck had arrived at the Cape, the slave system was in­troduced in accordance with the policies of the Vereenigde Geoctroyeerde Oost- Indische Compagnie (the V.O.C.) (Worden, 1985:6-18; Hattingh, 1990:6-8). The attitude of the slave owners at the Cape towards slavery as an institution was strongly influenced by the fact that the V.O.C. permitted and afterwards regulated the slave system. They did not only accept the slave system as an officially en­dorsed institution, but also regarded their rights in terms thereof as sacred and inalienable. Worden's (1985:16) report is worth repeating:
3189
3190		(Slavery) was perceived as an institution ordained by the ruling authority and accepted as such ... The first settlers accepted slaves in much the same way as they did land and seed. Even after slavery became well established, owners saw it as a system of labour maintained and supported by the go­vernment.
3191
3192
3193slavery was seen as a sacred an inalienable right by slave-owners in the cape
3194
3195	
3196	It is therefore not surprising that later efforts by the British Government to im­prove the fate of the slaves at the Cape were vehemently resisted by the slave owners. It is also reported that the drive to end the slave system at the Cape was not supported by an Anti-Slavery Movement comparable to the movements in Britain (Watson, 1991:67-92). According to Watson (1991:6), this sentiment still has an effect on modem thinking in South Africa. Watson remarks that:
3197
3198		(His study) does maintain that one principal source was the failure of early South African liberalism to develop over a century and a half either a sys­tematic and comprehensive ideology of human rights or a coherent move­ment to oppose the steady reduction of the rights of South Africans ... This failure, I believe, began with the Cape’s antislavery movement itself
3199
3200	The only organised effort by whites to curb the effect of slavery at the Cape was the inception of the Cape of Good Hope Philanthropic Society for Aiding De­serving Slaves to Purchase their Freedom on 27 June 1828. The activities of the Society were sanctioned by Proclamation 70 of 3 February 1830 (Watson, 1991: 67-92). The Society’s contribution towards the ending of slavery at the Cape was a limited one. Not only did the Society allow its members to own slaves, but it also refrained from attacking the validity of slave property and from exposing the contradiction between Christian principles and slavery. It is also remarkable that the public debate on slavery at the Cape was a practical, and largely strategic, discussion. This discussion accepted the philosophical underpinning that proper­ty in humans was legitimate and that the right to liberty was subordinate to the right to property and the concomitant need to a secure labour supply. The diffi­culties experienced by clergymen to transform the debate to one regarding moral principles is aptly described by Watson (1991:193-194) as follows:
3201
3202		Their views were complicated by the ideologies of their denomination or mission society, by the tensions between their secular and spiritual roles, and by their personal relations with their parishioners, both black and white.
3203
3204
3205Cape slave owners vehemently resisted British gov efforts to improve the fate of slaves
3206
3207the gov sanctioned "Cape of Good Hope Philanthropic Society" was the only anti-slavery movement in Cape Colony and was very weak. The society allowed its members to own slaves and refrained from attacking the validity of holding slaves as property.
3208
3209The public debate over slavery at the cape was a "practical" and "strategic" one that started from accepting right to liberty subordinate to property rights (O. F. Metzel an example of this? his contribution was about treatment of slaves and "sensible" vs. "unsensible" masters, said slaves were otherwise "happy").
3210
3211The church had difficulties raising a moral debate about slavery (what was going on with that?)
3212
3213
3214	Apart from the attitude of the colonists at the Cape towards slavery, it is also im­portant to emphasise that there was a considerable difference between the de fac­to and de jure position of the slaves.
3215
3216		Ross’s (1980:5) comments on the early legal system at the Cape caught my atten­tion. He remarks: South Africa was clearly ruled by a code of law ... and moreover by one which was based on a system to which more concentrated legal thought had been given, at a higher theoretical level, than any other in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
3217
3218	Slaves were not without any rights. Their limited rights were, however, suppres­sed by the realities to which they were subjected. Worden (1985:113) refers to one aspect of their subjugation in the following terms:
3219
3220		(T)here were numerous means of evading the laws which were supposed to protect slave interests. As Le Vaillant commented after his visit in the early 1780’s, these wise laws do honour to the Dutch government, but how many ways are there to elude them.
3221
3222
3223There was a considerable difference between the de facto and de jure laws protecting slaves and many ways to edlude them
3224
3225
3226an example:
3227
3228
3229https://books.google.com/books?id=N7damlJZAkkC&pg=PA48&lpg=PA48
3230	he issued his ameioration proclamation in March 1823 ...Slave owners were not to punish their slaves beyond "a mild domestic correction," which could amount to twenty-five lashes with a whip.
3231
3232
3233https://archive.org/stream/recordsofcapecol00thea_20/recordsofcapecol00thea_20_djvu.txt
3234	...February 1, 1827. The Secretary of the Cape District versus Johannes Christian Kotze, Jan’s son. For severely flogging his female Slave Eva. Complainant stated, that she was making bread for the family, and told her mistress that there was so much barley to mix in it that it would not bind, which being represented to her master, he immediately got angry and called for a sambok, (a species of whip made from the hide of the hippopotamus or rhinoceros) with which he gave her 25 lashes, and within a short period 25 more, for which she could assign no reason. When she was flogged, her hands and legs were tied, and her hands being placed under her knees, a stick was passed between, and she was then thrown on the floor, and flogged on the back, shoulders and posteriors ; her clothes, however, being on. The medical certificate stated, that on examination there were found a considerable number of marks and stripes, some of which were in an ulcerated state, on her shoulders, back, posteriors and arms. The witnesses for defendant gave Eva a bad character. The prosecutor claimed that the complainant might be sold, and never again become the property of the defendant, or that of his wife, children, parents, brothers and sisters. The Court rejected the claim of the prosecutor, and sentenced the defendant to a fine of £30 sterling, with costs
3235
3236
3237law said can't whip more than 25 times, so he whips her 25 times, leaves and comes back and whips her 25 times again
3238
3239why skirt the law just to whip someone 50 times? all this supposedly for mistake in the kitchen.
3240
3241that needed law in the first place, it still got violated, and had a loophole says bad things about Cape Colony...
3242
3243
3244whole time public debate was "you know it really doesn't make any sense to be cruel to your slaves", yet they kept doing it
3245
3246
3247https://www.koersjournal.org.za/index.php/koers/article/viewFile/720/833
3248	Slaves themselves were under real pressure when it came to the enforcement of their limited rights. For instance the Statutes of Batavia (1766), which were ap­plied at the Cape, allowed slaves to report maltreatment and abuse, but also stipulated that when a complaint was unfounded, the slave would be whipped an returned to its master.2 The realities slaves faced at the courts, combined with the effect that a complaint would have on the master-slave relationship at home, forces one to conclude that only the most severe cases of maltreatment were reported (Ross, 1980:7; Dooling, 1991:80). I support the view expressed by Ross (1983:1)
3249
3250		(T)here has never been ... a (slave) society that was not brutal in the extreme. A mild slave regime is a contradiction in terms. Slavery is a form of social oppression that is based on the use of force, which is always available to, and frequently employed by the slave-owning class to impress its will on the slaves. If, somewhere in the world, there exists a social institution that is called slavery in which brutality and denigration are absent, then the concept has been stretched so far as to be empty and meaningless...
3251
3252
32531766 Cape law set up so that if slave complaint of maltreatment was found unfounded would be whipped and sent back to their master. Implications for master-slave treatment at home meant courts for slaves only used for most severe cases.
3254
3255After reviewing the history of slavery in Cape Colony, author concluded that slavery and brutality and denigration go hand in hand.
3256
3257
3258	...Up to approximately 1827 the Court of Justice and the Court of Appeal did not record the reasons for their judgments (Botha, 1915:319, 323; Visagie, 1969:70). It is therefore almost impossible to comment on the legality of the submissions of counsel which, incidently, was documented in extenso, and in many cases sub­ stantiated with full details of relevant authorities. Until recently the accessibility of the records of the Court of Justice and the Court of Appeal also proved to be a major stumbling-block. Legal historians had to cope with the time-consuming and almost impossible task of working at random through the available and un- systematised documents and series.
3259
3260	A very useful and, in my opinion, indispensable tool was developed by the re­ search team from UWC-PU for CHE for this purpose. This team recently pro­ duced an index of the civil cases of the Court of Justice and the Court of Appeal from 1806 to 1827. This computer based index allows legal historians direct ac­ cess to the documents containing the relevant data on any predetermined subject.
3261
3262
3263After British took over colony in 1795 ten 1806, they started keeping records on slave court cases. Until 1827 these courts didn't record the reasons for their judgements. Until recently (early 1990s) it was hard to access these documents, but some researches put them in a computer system.
3264
3265
3266	...Developments: 1806 to 1834
3267
3268	When the British reoccupied the Cape in 1806 they pursued their well-known policy in respect of conquered or ceded colonies (Visagie, 1969:95-97; Van Zyl, 1907:132-135). For the Cape this policy meant that justice was to be adminis­tered in the same manner as had been customary until then, and according to the laws, statutes and ordinances which had been in force.
3269
3270	At this stage the British Government was under great pressure from the Anti-Sla­very Movement to end slave trade in its territories. This was legislated in 1807, while the Anti-Slavery Movement continued their campaign now focusing on the abolition of all slavery (Hurwitz, 1973:21-76; Edwards, 1942:33-63, 81-90, 111- 150).
3271
3272	As indicated above, the British authorities had to take cognisance of various sources of the slave law at the Cape in their efforts to accommodate the interests of the slave community. There is definite proof that they took up this challenge. Not only were the Fiscal and Attorney-General requested to provide details of the legal position of the slaves13, but at least two sets of documents in the CapeArchives14 also prove that the authorities had the desire to acquaint themselves with the details of the relevant provisions. In the Archives there is a handwritten copy of the Alphabetical Version of the New Statutes o f Batavia in English as well as a list of the local placaats relevant to the slave community.
3273
3274	The British efforts to limit the number of slaves at the Cape date back to 1795. During the British occupation of 1795 to 1803 special permission, which was granted only under special circumstances, was required for the importation of slaves (Latsky, 1943:5-8; Stockenstróm, 1934:23-29; Edwards, 1942:34-36, 47- 54). After slave trade had been prohibited in British territories in 1807 (Clarkson, 1968:Vol II 506-508, 576-587), the Government at the Cape had to attend to the real danger of the enslavement o f the indigenous people. This threat urged the authorities to promulgate a number of ordinances15 which legislated the movement, employment, land ownership and residence of the Khoisan. As pressure mounted from the Anti-Slavery Movement in Britain and its affiliates at the Cape, these laws became controversial, and were often described as justifying the slavery o f indigenous people (Edwards, 1942:51-63; Van der Merwe, 1984: 149-151). There can be little doubt that these early laws introduced into our history the concept of group areas and pass laws.
3275
3276
3277British kept Dutch slave law when they took Cape in 1806
3278
3279Abolition movement ended slave trade around this time and went on to try to end all slavery (colonies in particular or slavery in general?)
3280
3281After the end of the slave trade, some cape colonists looked for labor among neighboring nations. The laws passed ostensibly to protect these people ended up making this easier
3282
3283
3284https://books.google.com/books?id=xXN0AwAAQBAJ&pg=PT175&lpg=PT175
3285	The 'Hottentot Proclamation' of 1809 sought to safeguard Khoikhoi
3286
3287
3288https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hottentot_Proclamation
3289	The Hottentot Proclamation ... was the first of a series of laws that sought to restrict the rights of the Khoikhoi 
3290
3291
3292https://books.google.com/books?id=R5jkCwAAQBAJ&pg=PT35&lpg=PT35
3293	The Hottentot Proclamation was issued by the Earl of Caledon, third British Governor of the Cape. This notorious piece of colonial legislation for the first time permitted the Khoisan to be legally indentured. The measure attempted, and failed, to address two irreconcilable problems. The colony had a laobour shortage, exacerbated by the abolition of the slave trade in 1808. White Boers in particular, still bitter about the Khoisan rebellion of 1799-1803, complained about the labour scaricty. Simultaneously, missionaries protested about the Khoisan's social and economic conditions, and aruged for improvements in their judicial status. Inevitably, the effects of the Hottentot Proclamation proved contradictory. Ostensibly, it tried to improve the legal status of the Khoisan by including them under the rule of law, but in doing so, it introduced draconian constraints on their movements and gave white master unprecedented legal control over their Khoisan servants.
3294
3295	Hendrik and Anna Catharina were now required to ifficially register all Khoisan members of their household. In compliance with the proclamation, Saartjie was taken before a magisrate and formally indentured as a 'Hottentot' servant. Technically, this formal registration entitled her to a wage and some basic conditions of employment. In reality, the colonial governments put little effort into monitoring the now 'protected' interests of the Khoisan. In the Proclamation's revealing words, the Prospero-like Lord Caledon 'extend [ed] his peculiar protection in nature of a guardian over the Hottentot nation under this government, by reaons of their general imbecile state'. Saartjie was now more vulnerable to exploitation, as well as being subject to the authority of an absolute paternalism allgedly designed to protect her welfare.
3296
3297
3298
3299https://www.koersjournal.org.za/index.php/koers/article/viewFile/720/833
3300	On the other hand, efforts were made by o f the British Government to improve the fate of the slave community. To the dismay of local slave owners a number of Proclamations were promulgated in pursuance of this goal.16 
3301
3302	...16 See for instance the Proclamation of 26 April 1816; the Proclamation of 18 March 1823; Ordinance 19 of 1826 and the Consolidated Order of 1830.
3303
3304
3305April 1816 Proclomation (or at leasts parts of it) ended up angering slave owners without helping slaves:
3306
3307	
3308	...	The compulsory registration of slaves was also legislated.19 This legislation proved to be impractical and caused resentment among the slave-owning com­munity (Latsky, 1943:27-29).20 Their opposition was aggravated because the Court of Justice was instructed to take into account the fact whether or not a slave was registered when his or her freedom was at stake. This legislation did not contribute substantially towards the improvement of the position of the slave community. Slave registers proved to be outdated and unreliable while the unenviable position of slaves before the courts remained essentially unchanged.
3309
3310
3311Part of how Somerset impelemented it:
3312
3313https://books.google.com/books?id=AMEbAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA24&lpg=PA24
3314	Proclamation by His Excellency General the Right Hon. Lord Charles Henry Somerset, &c., &c.
3315
3316	Whereas it has appeared to me, that notwithstanding all the measures taken to give notoriety to the Proclomation of the 26th April, 1816, for the binding of all Persons to have their Slaves registered, according to the Regulations therein prescribed, there is reason to believe, some well-disposed Persons, from ignorance of such Proclamation, have omitted to comply with the same.
3317
3318	...And be it further declared, that the Proclamation of the 26th April, 1816, will be strictly enforced against all who shall neglect to register their Slaves according to the Regulation herein enforced in the Country Districts at the expiration of the year 1817. And it is hereby ordered and directed, that his Proclamation, as well as the Proclamation of the 26th April 1816, shall have the fullest publicity; and therefore, beside the usual means of making the same known, I do hereby direct each and every Wardmaster of this Town, and Fieldcornet in the Country Districts, to appoint and assemble one Slave from every house in their respective Wards, and explain, or cause to be explained, to such Slaves so assembled, in the Dutch and Portuguese Languages, the full meaning of this Proclamation so that none may remaing ignorant thereof. And I do further direct the respective Wardmasters and Fieldcornets, to report to His Majesty's Fiscal, and their respectie Landdrosts, their having complied with this Instruction within the shortest possible time from the date hereof, as they shall answer for the contrary at their peril.
3319
3320	God save the King !
3321
3322	...C. H. Somerset
3323
3324
3325James Cappon's take on this in 1901:
3326
3327https://books.google.com/books?id=Y24qAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA242&lpg=PA242
3328	In 1816 a register of slaves and of slave births was opened in each distict for the inspection of the landdrost. No more Dirks to be carried out in the night-time and no questions asked; no more black things to be baked in ovens in angry Boer matrons! The grandfather of Olive Schreiner's tale must have been very indignant.
3329
3330
3331
3332Cappon himself being suspicious, this passage interesting:
3333
3334https://books.google.com/books?id=Y24qAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA242&lpg=PA242
3335	It was Dr. Philip, the Las Casas of South Africa, Pringle calls him, who first brought the condition of the Hottentot, as distinguished from that of the slave, clearly before his countrymen at home.
3336
3337	...In the historical controversial part of his book he presents his case, just as Dr. Theal does his, without any real attempt to appreciate the needs, or difficulties, or justifications of the other side. But then we must remember he is not properly a historian or economist, calmly weighing both sides, but a missionary, advocating the cause of the black race.
3338
3339
3340"Las Casas of South America" not something to be proud of.  From Las Casas book "A Brief Account of the Destruction of the Indies":
3341
3342
3343	The Reverend Author of this Compendious Summary was Bartholomaeus de las Casas alias Casaus, a Pious and Religeous person
3344
3345	...THE CRUELTIES OF THE Spaniards Committed in AMERICA.
3346
3347	...Now this infinite multitude of Men are by the Creation of God innocently simple, altogether void of and averse to all manner of Craft, Subtlety and Malice, and most Obedient and Loyal Subjects to their Native Sovereigns; and behave themselves very patiently, sumissively and quietly towards the Spaniards, to whom they are subservient and subject; so that finally they live without the least thirst after revenge, laying aside all litigiousness, Commotion and hatred.
3348
3349	This is a most tender and effeminate people...
3350
3351	...The Spaniards first assaulted the innocent Sheep, so qualified by the Almighty, as is premention'd, like most cruel Tygers, Wolves and Lions hunger-starv'd, studying nothing, for the space of Forty Years, after their first landing, but the Massacre of these Wretches, whom they have so inhumanely and barbarously butcher'd
3352
3353	...As to the firm land, we are certainly satisfied, and assur'd, that the Spaniards by their barbarous and execrable Actions have absolutely depopulated Ten Kingdoms, of greater extent than all Spain, together with the Kingdoms of Arragon and Portugal, that is to say, above One Thousand Miles, which now lye wast and desolate, and are absolutely ruined, when as formerly no other Country whatsoever was more populous. Nay we dare boldly affirm, that during the Forty Years space, wherein they exercised their sanguinary and detestable Tyranny in these Regions, above Twelve Millions (computing Men, Women, and Children) have undeservedly perished; nor do I conceive that I should deviate from the Truth by saying that above Fifty Millions in all paid their last Debt to Nature.
3354
3355	...and ill-treated them, consuming and wasting their Food ...one individual Spaniard consumed more Victuals in one day, than would serve to maintain Three Families a Month, every one consisting of Ten Persons.
3356
3357	...They snatcht young Babes from the Mothers Breasts, and then dasht out the brains of those innocents against the Rocks; others they cast into Rivers scoffing and jeering them, and call'd upon their Bodies when falling with derision, the true testimony of their Cruelty, to come to them, and inhumanely exposing others to their Merciless Swords, together with the Mothers that gave them Life.
3358
3359	...the Humility and Patience of the Inhabitants (which made their approach to these Lands more facil and easie) did much promote the business: Whom they so despicably contemned, that they treated them (I speak of things which I was an Eye Witness of, without the least fallacy) not as Beasts, which I cordially wished they would, but as the most abject dung and filth of the Earth; and so sollicitous they were of their Life and Soul, that the above-mentioned number of People died without understanding the true Faith or Sacraments. And this also is as really true as the praecendent Narration (which the very Tyrants and cruel Murderers cannot deny without the stigma of a lye) that the Spaniards never received any injury from the Indians
3360
3361	...I adde farther, that I really believe, and am satisfied by certain undeniable conjectures, that at the very juncture of time, when all these outrages were commited in this Isle, the Indians were not so much guilty of one single mortal sin of Commission against the Spaniards, that might deserve from any Man revenge or require satisfaction.
3362
3363	...I desire therefore that the Readers who have or shall peruse these passages, would please seriously to consider whether or no, such Barbarous, Cruel and Inhumane Acts as these do not transcend and exceed all the impiety and tyrrany, which can enter into the thoughts or imagination of Man, and whether these Spaniards deserve not the name of Devils. For which of these two things is more eligible or desirable whether the Indians should be delivered up to the Devils themselves to be tormented or the Spaniards? That is still a question.
3364
3365	...And indeed no Man durst openly and publickly do any injury to the Inhabitants; for there some Justice, (which is no where else in India) though very little is done and practiced; yet they are grievously opprest with intolerable Taxes. But I do really believe, and am fully perswaded that our Sovereign Lord Charles the Fifth, Emperour and King of Spain, our Lord and Prince, who begins to be sensible of the Wickedness and Treacheries, which have been, and still are committed against this Miserable Nation, and distressed Countries contrary to the Will and Pleasure of God, as well as His Majesties that he will in time, (for hitherto the Truth hath been concealed and kept from his Knowledge, with as great Craft, as Fraud and Malice)
3366
3367
3368writes a bunch of one-sided superlatives and exaggerations for a cause where all he had to do is write the facts, similar to Philips on south Africa and Stead on Boer (and maybe Hobshouse too, ended up being seen as "pro-Boer" similar to Stead getting rep for traitor on Boer secret-service money)
3369
3370so he wrecked it with "messenger overwhelming the message" effect as seen with some fake news, McCarthy, Al-Gore in global warming activism, etc.
3371
3372
3373https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valladolid_debate
3374	The affair is considered one of the earliest examples of moral debates about colonialism, human rights of colonized peoples and international relations in history. In Spain, it served to establish Las Casas as the primary, though controversial defender of the Indians.
3375
3376
3377https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bartolom%C3%A9_de_las_Casas#Protector_of_the_Indians
3378	Las Casas himself was granted the official title of Protector of the Indians, and given a yearly salary of one hundred pesos. In this new office Las Casas was expected to serve as an advisor to the new governors with regard to Indian issues, to speak the case of the Indians in court and send reports back to Spain. 
3379
3380
3381Las Casas also went after Olid for Cortes and convinced Gonzalaz to kill Olido (which he got arrested for), tried to convince people Oviedo a liar, ran his colony of Indians poorly letting them get killed and forcing them to relocate, didn't have "change of heart" until other clergy started calling out atrocities in Cuba, advocated for African slave trade to replace dead cubans to gov, &c., &c.
3382
3383Also comes off like rooting against nation of his readers in his story of death of Spanish Hero de la Cosa which includes improbable details on Ojeda and Pizarro's escape:
3384
3385
3386https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alonso_de_Ojeda
3387	An eyewitness account recorded by historian Bartolomé de las Casas notes, "The Spaniards worked an incredible slaughter on that village, they spared no one, women, children, babies or not. Then they robbed."
3388
3389
3390https://books.google.com/books?id=XDqFMqS9MxkC&pg=PA80&lpg=PA80
3391	Indian Freedom: The Cause of Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1484-1566
3392
3393	...He then decided, on the strength of his victory, to go after the Indians who had fled, hot on their heels to a village four leagues away, Turbaco by name. The villagers were alerted by the news brought by those fleeing. They took off with their wives, chidlren, valuables, and hid in the hills for safety. When the Spaniards arrived in the morning, they found no one to kill or capture. The Spaniards were careless, they had no idea the Indians were intelligent beings and that violence tought them lessons, as did human nature. So, with utter disregard and blinded by their own greed and sinfulness, the Spaniards scattered each on his own through the hills looking for someone to rob. Once the Indians, through their scouts, recognized that the Spaniards had broken up, they came out of the hills and attacked with a shout that split the sky and with a volley of poisoned arrows that seemed to darken the day. And the Spaniards, caught in their carelessness-no one would ever dare attack them!--and in such a sudden charge, were fear stricken, they were like game encircled, they didn't know where to hide, where to run, they were stunned. If they ran one way, there were Indians ready for them; if they ran another, they were finished--those same poisoned arrows the Indians killed some of them with, they yanked from the dead bodies and used again to wound and kill other Spaniards who were still on their feet.
3394
3395	Juan de la Cosa, with a few men he collected around him, barricaded the entrance to an enclosure where Hojeda and another few were making a stand. Hojeda was up and down on his knees behind his shield to block the arrows. He was short and with his lightness, quickness, he kept from getting struck. But the second he saw all of his people down dead, and Juan de la Cosa and the group with him nearly finished, he took off at high speed, trusting the great quickness he had--and it was amazing!--right through the Indians fleeing so fast he seemed to by flying. He got up into the thickest hills he could find and headed towards the sea, as best he could judge direction, and towards his ships.
3396
3397	Juan de la Cosa holed up in a hut stripped of its covering--or he stripped it as best he could, he and some of his men. The Indians couldn't burn them to death with just the frame. He fought until the last of his companions was down and dead. He felt the poison from the many arrows that had nicked him begin to work, so he sank in despair. But he saw one of his own men still left near him, fighting manfully away, the Indian's hadn't touched him. He said to the man, "God has spared you till now, brother, so run for it, save yourself, tell Hojeda you left me dead." This man was the only one to escape, I think, plus Hojeda.
3398
3399
3400This is the story that ended up getting re-written as the official account over and over in history books and magazines (e.g. by Washington Irving) which unfortunately left out an explanation for how Pizarro escaped while de la Cosa and the rest of the men died
3401
3402La Casa's performance at Valladolid debate important since King Charles was on and off about supporting Conquista while it was killing millions of people (should get better notes on it):
3403
3404
3405http://www.columbia.edu/~daviss/work/files/presentations/casshort/casshort_08.html
3406
3407https://www.reddit.com/r/AskHistorians/comments/3h6b2y/in_1542_bartolom%C3%A9_de_las_casas_wrote_a_short/
3408
3409on impact of Short Account
3410
3411
3412http://www.history.ubc.ca/sites/default/files/courses/lectures/%5Brealname%5D/3b_las_casas_and_sepulveda_0.pdf
3413
3414Charles wants to know if these reports of atrocities are true
3415
3416
3417https://history.sfsu.edu/sites/default/files/images/2001_Bonar%20Ludwig%20Hernandez.pdf
3418
3419Have a debate on Aristotle instead
3420
3421
3422https://books.google.com/books?id=9LUTDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT218&dq=Charles+V+Valladolid&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjR9M6yhYnbAhXkguAKHVJ6CdYQ6AEILTAB#v=onepage&q=Valladolid&f=false
3423
3424Charles wasn't there?
3425
3426
3427https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Short_Account_of_the_Destruction_of_the_Indies
3428	It was written for Charles I of Spain.[1] Las Casas appeals to the King's pathos throughout his account by describing Charles I[1] as a lover, cultivator and as a man of justice.[8]
3429
3430
3431"short account" related to Charles questions on atrocities?
3432
3433don't think always lays it on as thick (compare to other las Casas works)
3434
3435
3436http://cas.loyno.edu/sites/chn.loyno.edu/files/Bartoleme%20de%20Las%20Casas_The%20Eternal%20Gaurdian%20of%20the%20Indians.pdf
3437
3438
3439Charles getting some letters saying bad shit going down:
3440
3441http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Hern%C3%A1n_Cort%C3%A9s
3442	Cortés hoped to avoid the errors that had been made in the islands. His letters to Charles V are filled with warnings and pleas. He begged that only settlers be allowed in New Spain, not adventurers "intent on consuming the country's substance and then abandoning it." He asked for humble priests who would convert by pious example, not high prelates who would "dispose of the gifts of the Church and waste them in pomp and other vices." He recommended that lawyers be banned on the grounds that they encouraged contention in order to profit from the ensuing litigation. Most of all, he deplored the practice of repaying services to the crown with Indian slaves to work land grants, yet he had no other way of rewarding his own followers.
3443
3444	Charles V was not interested. He obviously believed his insistence on the conversion of the natives, thus ensuring their Heavenly reward, was quite enough and considered enslavement a small price to pay for such favors. Nor did he accede to any other request. The troublesome Cortés was soon replaced with a governing committee which exiled him.
3445
3446
3447on other side, Miguele de Estete's letters to Charles sucked and Hernando rushed to spain to tell first story about it
3448
3449http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Francisco_Pizarro#Return_to_Spain_and_interview_with_Charles_V_.28Capitulaci.C3.B3n_de_Toledo.2C_1529.29
3450
3451
3452what was going on in Charles' head at time of Valladolid inquiery?
3453
3454
34551510s destruction of Cuba, some clergy call out and las Casas "change of hear"--opportunity for public, Charles to learn of atrocity
3456
34571530s Pizzaros and Miguele de Estete send Charles letters of smashing time crushing heathen barbarians
3458
3459around this time also Cortez letters of warning, Charles snubs Cortez
3460
34611542 Las Casas writes Short Account, New Laws passed
3462
34631550-51 Valladolid inquiry
3464
3465https://history.sfsu.edu/sites/default/files/images/2001_Bonar%20Ludwig%20Hernandez.pdf
3466
3467says debate raging on whether on not to do conqusita, Charles decides in 1550 to suspend and call Valladolid, ends up las Casas vs Sepulveda
3468
3469
3470
3471https://books.google.com/books?id=lQQZoviOw7cC&q=Charles#v=onepage&q=Indians&f=false
3472
3473Vitoria also big on Aristotle and theory
3474
3475pg 246 "the conclusion of all this"
3476
3477	...The Conclusion of all this is that the barbarians are not impeded from being true masters, publicly and privately, either by moral sin in general or by the particular sin of unbelief. Nor can Christians use either of these arguments to support their title to dispossess the barbarians of their goods and lands, as Cajetan elegantly deduces
3478
3479	...The Conclusion of all that has been said is that the barbarians undoubtedly possessed as true dominion, both public and private, as any Christians. That is to say, they could not be robbed of their property
3480
3481
3482meanwhile:
3483
3484http://www.columbia.edu/acis/ets/CCREAD/lascasas.htm
3485	Apologetic History of the Indies
3486	Bartolomé de Las Casas
3487
3488	...CHAPTER CXXVII. THE INDIANS POSSESSED MORE ENLIGHTENMENT AND NATURAL KNOWLEDGE OF GOD THAN THE GREEKS AND ROMANS 
3489
3490
3491Vitoria investigated morality of colonization and concluded it is bad
3492
3493he used theological argument against church justification for conquista which probably pissed off pro-conquista clergy
3494
3495he was like counterpart to Las Casas, maybe would have been at head of movement against killing Americans if not for Las Casas
3496
3497
3498https://www.britannica.com/biography/Francisco-de-Vitoria
3499	Vitoria was doubtful of the justice of the Spanish conquest of the New World. As a friar, he refused to agree that war might be made on people simply because they were pagans or because they refused conversion—for belief was an act of the will and could not be forced. Nor could pagans be punished for offenses against God, because Christians committed just as many such offenses as pagans. The pope had no right to give European rulers dominion over primitive peoples; the most he could do was to allocate spheres for missionary work. Pagans had a right to their property and to their own rulers; they were not irrational. One could not speak of discovery as if the lands had been previously uninhabited; thus the only possible justification for conquest might be the protection of the innocent from cannibalism and human sacrifice. If a Christian ruler presumed to rule over a colony, it was his duty to give it benefits equal to those of the home country and to send efficient ministers to see just laws observed. The Indians were as much subjects of the king of Spain “as any man in Sevilla.”
3500
3501	...Vitoria’s arguments, involving the application of moral principles, led to his being often consulted by the emperor Charles V. In 1530 the empress wrote to ask him about the divorce of King Henry VIII of England, and this led him to give a course of lectures on matrimony. In 1539 the emperor himself wrote to inquire about the possibility of sending 12 “learned and pious friars” to Mexico to found a university, and a second time to ask for some of Vitoria’s pupils. Vitoria’s open criticism did not affect Charles’s friendly attitude; in 1541 he wrote to Vitoria twice on the subject of the Indians. In 1545 Prince Philip (later Philip II of Spain) wrote in his father’s behalf to invite Vitoria to the Council of T
3502	rent. Vitoria declined, saying he was “more likely to go to the other world.” He died in the following year at age 60.
3503
3504
3505Charles respected Vitoria and would often consult him. Wrote to him twice on subject of the Indians
3506
3507
3508http://www.hetwebsite.net/het/profiles/vitoria.htm
3509	Francisco de Vitoria is widely regarded as the founder of the Salamanca School., particularly its marriage of "natural law" philosophy with Catholic doctrine.  Although he published nothing in his lifetime, his 1527-40 lectures (Relectiones) were assiduously recorded by his students. His De Indis lecture was an eloquent defense of Indian rights against enslavement.  Vitoria's thesis was highly influential and led the proclamation of the Leyes Nuevas by Charles V in 1542, which placed the indians directly under the protection of Spanish crown.  He also reviews the arguments raised by the Spanish conquistadors to justify their conquests in the Americas.  He systematically knocks down each and every defense used by the Spanish conquistadors - right of prior discovery, spreading the faith, expansion of empire, divine providence, etc.  Vitoria did come up with a justification for the Spanish empire, but one much diluted, stressing consent and voluntary adhesion by  the natives. 
3510
3511
3512Vitoria influence led to New Laws in 1542 and he knocked down conquistadors arguments
3513
3514
3515http://nativeamericannetroots.net/diary/1014
3516	The discovery of the Americas presented some difficult problems for the Christian Europeans: the people who lived in the Americas, often called Indians, did not appear in either their sacred books nor in the writings of the Greek historians. Initially, there was a great debate over whether or not American Indians were human. In order to be considered human, from a Christian European perspective, the Indians had to have the ability to reason and a soul which could be saved from eternal damnation through conversion to Christianity. Once the Pope had declared that Indians were human, the Spanish, unlike some of the other European powers, took seriously the humanity of native people. They saw them as a part of the community of God. They recognized that they had certain rights. During the 16th century the Spanish engaged in a number of intellectual debates about the Indians which culminated in the 1550-1551 debate in Valladolid.  
3517
3518	Before Valladolid:  
3519
3520	In 1532, Spanish judge Francisco de Vitoria declared that non-Christians were able to own property and therefore Indians may have title to their land. He also wrote:
3521
3522	    “The Spaniards have the right to go to the lands of the Indians, dwell there and carry on trade, so long as they do no harm, and they cannot be prevented by the Indians from doing so.”
3523
3524	Also in 1532, Francisco de Vitoria gave a series of lectures in Spain on “Indians Recently Discovered” in which he pointed out that Indians had reason, law, and their own governments. Indian land rights, according to de Vitoria, cannot be ignored.
3525
3526
3527would have been a lot better than las Casas
3528
3529
3530	Viewing Indians as human did not mean that the Spanish would stop enslaving them or allowing them to occupy lower levels of Spanish Christian society. In 1537, Pope Paul III, in a papal bull Sublimis Deus, declared that Indians were not to be enslaved nor were they
3531
3532    “to be deprived of their liberty or the possession of their property, even though they be outside of the faith of Jesus Christ.”
3533
3534	The Spanish King, however, disagreed with the bull and confiscated all copies of the bull before it could reach the Americas. He then prevailed upon the Pope to revoke the bull. 
3535
3536
3537what was going on here? papal bull were pope says Satan and journalists are attacking south america: http://www.papalencyclicals.net/paul03/p3subli.htm
3538
3539then wikipedia says Charles liked it and it supported him: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sublimis_Deus
3540
3541Charles also said to have had beef with Pope Paul III
3542
3543why did he stop copies from going to Americas?
3544
3545
3546http://explorehumanrights.coe.int/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Holy-See_ehr.pdf
3547	The Dominicans had procured from the Council of the Indies, established in 1524, a prohibition against making new slaves but, under pr essure from the colonists, its implementation was delayed until 1534. A controver sy arose between the Franciscan Zumarraga, Bishop of Mexico, who was against slaver y, and the Dominican Betanzos, who placed the humanity of the Indians in doubt. A t that point Pope Paul III, paying no heed to Charles V and to the latter’s displeasure, intervened with the Bull "Veritas Ipsa" (2 June 1537) which condemned the enslavement of the I ndians and affirmed their right, precisely as human beings, to freedom and property.
3548
3549
3550context was debate over slavery in Indies
3551
3552
3553has summary of Valladolid:
3554
3555https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1006&context=jcls
3556	The doctrine of de Vitoria regarding just wars was applied against Native Americans by Ginés de Sepúlveda. He tried to make clear that Native Americans could not, because of their sins, under any circumstance, wage a just war against Spaniards.
3557
3558
3559At Valladolid Sepulveda cited Vitoria!
3560
3561
3562	After Ginés de Sepúlveda spoke, de las Casas began to speak, and took five days 164 to read entirely his Apología ( In Defense of the Indians ) 165 which comprised 90 quad demy 
3563
3564
3565leading up to Valladolid, Las Casas and Sepulveda were fighting, Las Casas stopped his book from being published but he got it published in Rome
3566
3567at Valladolid Las Casas read his Apologia
3568
3569nobody (apparently) tried to answer Charles question about atrocities being true...
3570
3571	... His Apología represented a voluminous ency clopedia of all his ideas, scattered throughout his prev ious books and monographs. 169 While doing so, de las Casas desc ribed the cruelty of conquerors and highlighted his firsthand expe rience (something that Ginés de Sepúlveda did not have). 
3572
3573
3574Las Casas brought up his first-hand experience with cruelty of Conquistadores
3575
3576
3577	...De las Casas also mentioned the legal doctrines of de Vitoria. He claimed that de Vitoria ha d been misled, due to false information and wicked lies, to believe that Native Americans had committed the alleged crimes; therefore, there was no just title for Spaniards to start a war against them. 191
3578
3579
3580both las Casas and Sepelvula acting like Vitoria pro-killing Americans?
3581
3582
3583	...The Controversy had neither immediate winners nor losers. No official records were kept of the debates of the Junta , or they have not yet come to light. 199 Historians currently work with what Bartolomé de las Casas and Juan Gines de Sepúlveda wrote after the debate
3584
3585
3586no record kept of debate...
3587
3588
3589
3590http://www.gutenberg.org/files/23466/23466-h/23466-h.html
3591	Las Casas occupied five sessions in reading his Historia Apologetica, after which the assembly directed the Emperor's confessor, Fray Domingo de Soto, to prepare a summary of the arguments of both parties, of which fourteen copies should be made for distribution to the members of the conference.
3592
3593
3594https://books.google.com/books?id=t-ux8_ElZLoC&pg=PA120&lpg=PA120
3595	The mention of Apologetica historia in the context of the Valladolid debate, however, requires some comment, since the possible influence of the debate and of Sepulveda's writings on its composition has been the subject of lengthy disagreement.
3596
3597	The tone, the method and the very length of the Apologetica historia make it clear that the work was intended for a larger audience than the judges at Valladolid. It also seems evident, on internal evidence, that, as the Mexican scholar Edmundo O'Gorman has argued, the bulk of the text was completed after 1551 and could therefore have played no direct part in the sessions at Valladolid. In argumentium apologiae, however, Las Casas refers at several points, as both Angel Losada and Lewis Hanke have observed, to a 'second part' of his defence of the Indians which had been composed in the vernacular and which contained all the necessary empircal evidence to confound Sepulveda.
3598
3599	On the basis of internal evidence collected by O'Gorman and the scrupulous avoidance of any reference to Sepulveda or the Valladolid debates, it seems likely that the text of the Apologetica histora was indeed written after 1551 and that it was an attempt to present Las Casas's arguments to a wider audience unfamiliar with the terms of their author's strugle with Sepulveda. There may well have existed an earlier versions which was more directly allied to Las Casa's efforts to demonstrate on empirical grounds the falsehoods of Sepulveda's claims that the Indians were 'barbarians.' But if so this has not survived.
3600
3601	What has been ignored is the fact that the solve surviving manuscript of Argumentum is clearly *not* the deposition presented by Las Casas at Vallodolid. There are sufficeint similarties between this text and Domingo de Soto's summary to make it plain taht the former is a version of the later; but it is also clear from the introductory letter by Bartolome de la Vega that the text of the Argumentum apologiae we have today has been rewritten for publication.
3602
3603
3604historical debate over what happened at debate
3605
3606	
3607	...In Las Casa's work the reading of Aristotle and Thomas, wildly inaccurate though it sometimes is
3608
3609
3610http://www.columbia.edu/acis/ets/CCREAD/lascasas.htm
3611	CHAPTER CCLXV. OTHER MEANINGS WHICH THE NAME "BARBARIAN" MAY HAVE 
3612
3613	In certain places above we have referred to this term or word "barbarian," which many call and consider these Indian peoples and other nations to be. Sometimes in the Holy Scriptures and frequently in holy decrees and lay histories barbarians are named and referred to, especially since the Philosopher [Aristotle] makes particular mention in his Politics of barbarians. Many times I find the term wrongly used, owing to error or to confusion between some barbarians and others. In order therefore to avoid this error and confusion I wish to explain here what it is to be a barbarian and what nations can properly be called barbarian. For such a clarification one must make the following fourfold distinction. A nation or people or part thereof can be called barbarian for four reasons: first, considering the term broadly and improperly, for any strangeness, ferocity, disorder, exorbitance, degeneration of reason, of justice and of good customs and human benignity; or also for evincing opinion which is confused or flighty, furious, tumultuous or beyond reason. Thus, there are men who have deserted and forgotten the rules and order of reason and the gentleness and peacefulness which man should naturally possess; blind with passion, they change in some way, or are ferocious, harsh, severe, cruel, and are precipitated into acts so inhuman that fierce and wild beasts of the mountains would not commit them. They seem to have been divested of the very nature of man, and the word "barbarian" thus signifies a strangeness and exorbitance or novelty which is in discord with the nature and common reason of men....
3614
3615	The second manner or species of barbarian is somewhat more limited; it includes those who lack a written language corresponding to their spoken one
3616
3617	...The third species and manner of barbarians, interpreting the term or word most strictly and properly, comprises those who by their strange, harsh and evil customs, or by their evil and perverse inclination, turn out cruel and ferocious and, unlike other men, are not governed by reason. They are, on the contrary, stupid and foppish, and do not possess or administer law, justice or communities. Nor do they cultivate friendship or conversation with other men, for which they have no villages, townships or cities since they do not live in a society. Thus they do not possess or tolerate masters, laws, ordinances or a political regime. Nor do they maintain the communication necessary to mankind, such as buying, selling, trading, renting, directing and having gatherings among neighbors. They do not use deposits, loans and other contracts which are a part of the law of peoples, treated by the laws of the Digest and institute and by the doctors. For the most part they live scattered through the wilderness, fleeing human contact, contenting themselves with only the company of their women, in the fashion of such animals as monkeys, wildcats and other nongregarious beasts. Such as these are, and are called, simpliciter, strictly and properly, barbarians. The inhabitants of the province called Barbary must have been like this, bereft of everything essential to the state of man, such as human reason and all these common and natural things which most men follow and use. Particular mention is made of them in the Politics, Book 1, Chaps. II and V, where it says that they are slaves by nature and worthy of always serving and being the subjects of others, because among them there is no natural dynasty, for they have no ordered government, nobility or subjects.... In this regard Aristotle says: "One who is not a citizen of any State, if the cause of his isolation be natural and not accidental, is either a superhuman being or low in the scale of civilization. The clanless, lawless, hearthless man so bitterly described by Homer is a case in point; for he is naturally a citizen of no state and a lover of war."
3618
3619	Such inclinations arise from many causes. Sometimes it is from the region in which they live and a type of sky which is unfavorable to them and intemperate; men who are born and live under these conditions are short of intelligence and show perverse inclinations toward the aforementioned evils.... The Philosopher adds in Chap. V that wise men can hunt or track them like animals in order to bring them under control and make use of them, causing the one who rules them to use his good judgment in attending to their welfare and keeping them from doing harm to others. In this way they can serve and profit their wise regent with their physical strength, because nature has made them robust for any work and chores which they might be ordered to do. Therefore to be simpliciter, properly and exactly, a barbarian is, as the Philosopher here concludes, to be a slave by nature.... 
3620
3621
3622http://classics.mit.edu/Aristotle/politics.1.one.html
3623	Politics
3624
3625	By Aristotle
3626
3627	Part V
3628
3629	But is there any one thus intended by nature to be a slave, and for whom such a condition is expedient and right, or rather is not all slavery a violation of nature?
3630
3631	There is no difficulty in answering this question, on grounds both of reason and of fact. For that some should rule and others be ruled is a thing not only necessary, but expedient; from the hour of their birth, some are marked out for subjection, others for rule.
3632
3633	And there are many kinds both of rulers and subjects (and that rule is the better which is exercised over better subjects- for example, to rule over men is better than to rule over wild beasts; for the work is better which is executed by better workmen, and where one man rules and another is ruled, they may be said to have a work); for in all things which form a composite whole and which are made up of parts, whether continuous or discrete, a distinction between the ruling and the subject element comes to fight. Such a duality exists in living creatures, but not in them only; it originates in the constitution of the universe; even in things which have no life there is a ruling principle, as in a musical mode. But we are wandering from the subject. We will therefore restrict ourselves to the living creature, which, in the first place, consists of soul and body: and of these two, the one is by nature the ruler, and the other the subject. But then we must look for the intentions of nature in things which retain their nature, and not in things which are corrupted. And therefore we must study the man who is in the most perfect state both of body and soul, for in him we shall see the true relation of the two; although in bad or corrupted natures the body will often appear to rule over the soul, because they are in an evil and unnatural condition. At all events we may firstly observe in living creatures both a despotical and a constitutional rule; for the soul rules the body with a despotical rule, whereas the intellect rules the appetites with a constitutional and royal rule. And it is clear that the rule of the soul over the body, and of the mind and the rational element over the passionate, is natural and expedient; whereas the equality of the two or the rule of the inferior is always hurtful. The same holds good of animals in relation to men; for tame animals have a better nature than wild, and all tame animals are better off when they are ruled by man; for then they are preserved. Again, the male is by nature superior, and the female inferior; and the one rules, and the other is ruled; this principle, of necessity, extends to all mankind.
3634
3635	Where then there is such a difference as that between soul and body, or between men and animals (as in the case of those whose business is to use their body, and who can do nothing better), the lower sort are by nature slaves, and it is better for them as for all inferiors that they should be under the rule of a master. For he who can be, and therefore is, another's and he who participates in rational principle enough to apprehend, but not to have, such a principle, is a slave by nature. Whereas the lower animals cannot even apprehend a principle; they obey their instincts. And indeed the use made of slaves and of tame animals is not very different; for both with their bodies minister to the needs of life. Nature would like to distinguish between the bodies of freemen and slaves, making the one strong for servile labor, the other upright, and although useless for such services, useful for political life in the arts both of war and peace. But the opposite often happens- that some have the souls and others have the bodies of freemen. And doubtless if men differed from one another in the mere forms of their bodies as much as the statues of the Gods do from men, all would acknowledge that the inferior class should be slaves of the superior. And if this is true of the body, how much more just that a similar distinction should exist in the soul? but the beauty of the body is seen, whereas the beauty of the soul is not seen. It is clear, then, that some men are by nature free, and others slaves, and that for these latter slavery is both expedient and right. 
3636
3637	Part VI
3638
3639	But that those who take the opposite view have in a certain way right on their side, may be easily seen. For the words slavery and slave are used in two senses. There is a slave or slavery by law as well as by nature. The law of which I speak is a sort of convention- the law by which whatever is taken in war is supposed to belong to the victors. But this right many jurists impeach, as they would an orator who brought forward an unconstitutional measure: they detest the notion that, because one man has the power of doing violence and is superior in brute strength, another shall be his slave and subject. Even among philosophers there is a difference of opinion. The origin of the dispute, and what makes the views invade each other's territory, is as follows: in some sense virtue, when furnished with means, has actually the greatest power of exercising force; and as superior power is only found where there is superior excellence of some kind, power seems to imply virtue, and the dispute to be simply one about justice (for it is due to one party identifying justice with goodwill while the other identifies it with the mere rule of the stronger). If these views are thus set out separately, the other views have no force or plausibility against the view that the superior in virtue ought to rule, or be master. Others, clinging, as they think, simply to a principle of justice (for law and custom are a sort of justice), assume that slavery in accordance with the custom of war is justified by law, but at the same moment they deny this. For what if the cause of the war be unjust? And again, no one would ever say he is a slave who is unworthy to be a slave. Were this the case, men of the highest rank would be slaves and the children of slaves if they or their parents chance to have been taken captive and sold. Wherefore Hellenes do not like to call Hellenes slaves, but confine the term to barbarians. Yet, in using this language, they really mean the natural slave of whom we spoke at first; for it must be admitted that some are slaves everywhere, others nowhere. The same principle applies to nobility. Hellenes regard themselves as noble everywhere, and not only in their own country, but they deem the barbarians noble only when at home, thereby implying that there are two sorts of nobility and freedom, the one absolute, the other relative. The Helen of Theodectes says:
3640
3641	"Who would presume to call me servant who am on both sides sprung from the stem of the Gods? "
3642
3643	What does this mean but that they distinguish freedom and slavery, noble and humble birth, by the two principles of good and evil? They think that as men and animals beget men and animals, so from good men a good man springs. But this is what nature, though she may intend it, cannot always accomplish.
3644
3645	We see then that there is some foundation for this difference of opinion, and that all are not either slaves by nature or freemen by nature, and also that there is in some cases a marked distinction between the two classes, rendering it expedient and right for the one to be slaves and the others to be masters: the one practicing obedience, the others exercising the authority and lordship which nature intended them to have. The abuse of this authority is injurious to both; for the interests of part and whole, of body and soul, are the same, and the slave is a part of the master, a living but separated part of his bodily frame. Hence, where the relation of master and slave between them is natural they are friends and have a common interest, but where it rests merely on law and force the reverse is true. 
3646
3647
3648Las Casas argument based on defining the word "barbarian" then trying to argue native Americans are not barbarians.
3649
3650Somehow Las Casas ends up twisting Aristotle's passage on trying to justify slavery to conclude a "barbarian" is exactly the familiar stereotype of native Americans: ferocious, stupid, lawless, lacking written language, living in the woods.
3651
3652bit that says "Such inclinations arise from many causes. Sometimes it is from the region in which they live and a type of sky which is unfavorable to them and intemperate; men who are born and live under these conditions are short of intelligence and show perverse inclinations toward the aforementioned evils" an interesting conincidence given how that city probably ended up underwater
3653
3654
3655http://www.columbia.edu/acis/ets/CCREAD/lascasas.htm
3656	. . . These peoples of the Indies are not of the first category, because all in that one are accidental and not natural (we will not explain here what is natural, or nearly so), and such defects cannot by nature befall a whole nation; for it would be a great monstrosity of human lineage if nature were to err to the extent of making men of one nation furious and foppish, foolish or blind with passion. We have indicated above at various times that nature cannot, for the most part, make mistakes as far as man is concerned; these people can, however, fall into this type accidentally like any others by conducting affairs with comparable disorder. Similarly, these nations do not belong to the third type, as is clear, because they have their kingdoms and kings, armies, well- ruled and orderly states, houses, treasuries and homes; they live under laws, cedes and ordinances; in administering justice they prejudice no one. Hence they cannot belong to this type as they are completely the opposite. Nor do they belong to the second subgroup of the fourth type, for they have never harmed or done evil to the Church. They did not know or have word that the Church was in the world or what sort of people Christians were until we went seeking them. They had their lands, provinces, kingdoms and kings -- how distant from ours everyone knows -- each kingdom and province living among the others in peace. It follows, then, that all these peoples are barbarians in the broad sense, according to some quality; and the primary one is that they are unbelievers. This is only through their lack of our holy faith, which means a purely negative faithlessness, caused by mere ignorance, and is not a sin, as has been declared. Hence they belong, on these grounds, in the fourth category. They can also be included in the second one because of three qualities. One is that they are illiterate, or lack a written language as did the English. The second is that they are most humble peoples and obey their kings in a strange and admirable manner. The third is that they do not speak our language well nor understand us; but in this we are as barbarian to them as they to us. These, then, are the infinite peoples or nations that we call the western and southern Indies, which were populated for so many thousands of leagues and were discovered by that illustrious Don Christopher Columbus who first broke the isolation that had for so many thousands of years lain upon the Ocean Sea, of which he was most rightfully the first admiral. 
3657
3658
3659then he makes a weak argument full of superlatives that they probably don't fall into any of his types of "barbarian" and concludes their main problem is they are barbarians because they are unbelievers
3660
3661
3662based on Aristotle's rousing attempt at justifying slavery that apparently wasn't good enough so Las Casas puts words in his mouth to argue a barbarian is someone who lives in the woods and ends up defining "barbarian" as exactly the common stereotype of native Americans that Las Casas does so bad of a job arguing native Americans are not
3663
3664with this Valladilod said to end up a debate over Aristotle and apparently nobody got to Charles question of "are these reports of atrocities true"
3665
3666
3667http://nativeamericannetroots.net/diary/1014
3668	Some of today’s scholars consider this to be one of the most important debates in history with regard to American Indians. 
3669
3670
3671could have done better for one of the most important debates in history...
3672
3673
3674parallels between attack on South America and South Africa deeper in this way, both involved killing by slavery and dehumanization and both had one or more "Las Casas" going out of their way to do a bad job to do the simple thing of making case to the public that these people are in fact human
3675
3676
3677
3678
3679
3680------
3681
3682
3683
3684https://www.koersjournal.org.za/index.php/koers/article/viewFile/720/833
3685	One of the most important changes that were introduced, was the introduction of the system of Slave Protectors and Guardians.17 Mason (1991:108) describes the effect of this system on the master-slave relationship as follows
3686
3687	Since these men were independent of, and superior to the masters, the law struck at the heart of the master-slave relationship. It undercut the slave­holders pretensions of being the sole source of protection, discipline and indulgence for their slaves.
3688
3689	The Guardian of Slaves had to assist slaves in legal proceedings:
3690
3691	... wherein any Slave may be charged with any offence punishable by Death, Banishment, or Transportation; or wherein any question may arise as to the right of any alleged Slave to Freedom; or wherein any Person may be charged with the Murder of any Slave, or with any offence against the person of any Slave; or wherein any question may arise respecting the right of any Slave to any such Property as he or she is ... declared competent to acquire.18
3692
3693	The effectiveness of this system was restricted by the fact that the Protector or Guardian only reacted to the complaints lodged by slaves, who in turn were subjected to the serious consequences of unfounded accusations and various other retaliatory measures of slave owners (Mason, 1991:109-115)
3694
3695
3696	...The efforts of the British authorities were, however, not without success. The moves towards the recognition of slave marriages and their families were a major step in the process of humanizing the position of slaves.21 Slave marriages were eventually even allowed against the will and without the permission of the slave owner. In addition, slaves obtained the restricted right to acquire and own pro­perty and to dispose thereof2
3697
3698	The right of the slave owner to his property (slaves) and to their labour was regarded as inalienable and sacred. The right acquired by a slave to buy his free­dom, even against the wish of his owner, was therefore experienced as a serious inroad into the inalienable right of ownership which even primitive societies uphold.23
3699
3700	The master-slave relationship was dealt a severe blow by the restriction placed on owners regarding the working hours of slaves24 and the corporal punishment of their slaves.25
3701
3702	To support these measures, serious efforts were made to ensure that the rights of the slave community would be upheld. The admissibility of the testimony of slaves in judicial proceedings was reformed,26 the Guardian of Slaves was com­pelled to pursue all complaints lodged by or on behalf of slaves 2
3703
3704	Clearly the aim of the British authorities was to undermine the philosophical and practical foundations on which slavery was based and to protect slaves from the heartless behaviour of their owners. The heart of the slave system was, however, left untouched. The legislature was reluctant to make any substantial inroad into the property rights of slave owners.28 The authorities’ reluctance to remove the provisions condemning slaves when a complaint against their masters was ruled to be unfounded29 proved to be a major stumbling-block in the execution of slave rights at the Cape. It became evident that the predicament of the slave com­munity would only be resolved by the total abolition of slavery.
3705
3706	On 1 December 1834 slavery became illegal in British territories.30 It was, how­ever, replaced by a system of apprenticeships31 which, on the pretext of ensuring training and jobs for slaves and labour for the colonists, boiled down to a con­tinuation of the slave system albeit in a more respectable form (Edwards, 1942:117-214; Simon, 1930:216-217; Lovejoy, 1983:233-234). This prolonged harassment of the former slave community ended in 1838 when the system of apprenticeships was finally abolished.
3707
3708
3709
3710
3711https://books.google.com/books?id=0Sk8AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA272&lpg=PA272
3712
3713
3714https://www.newspapers.com/image/392073126/?terms=Somerset%2BProclamation%2BCape%2BSlave
3715	EDUCATION of SLAVE CHILDREN  at the CAPE.
3716
3717	To the EDITOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE.
3718
3719	Sir--I beg leave to call your attention to certain statements in a speech of Mr. Willberforce Bird's, delivered at a meeting of the South African Bible Society, and published in The Cape Town Gazette of this day's date.
3720
3721	Mr. Bird, referring to a Proclamation issued by Lord Charles Somerset on the 18th of March last, which relates to the treatment, education, &c. of the slave population of this colony, characterises it as "a monument of fame, eternal, immortal; as a record of mercy engraven on the hearts of thirty thousand slaves, to be handed down by them to their posterity as long as the system of slavery was permitted to endure." His praise was, however, feeble, when it was recollected, that on the 15th of May the English House of Common had, on the motion of Mr. Secretary Canning, passed an unanimous Address to his Majesty, requesting him to direct the Governors of his Colonies to do *that* which this law of the 18th of March had already proclaimed at the Cape, thus anticipating the wishes of the British House of Commons.
3722
3723	...this document was only intended for *effect*, but not for *effiency*; in plain terms that it is neither more nor less than a mere *humbug proclamation*, got up by the friends of the slave-holding interest in this colony, for the express purpose of cajoling the Commissioners of Inquiry here and the abolitionists of slavery at home.
3724
3725	If I have expressed myself in strong language on this occassion, it arises from no feeling of hostility towards an individual with home I have not personally any aquantance, but from my thorough conviction (confirmed by the experience of a long residence in slave Colonies) that the most effectual supporters of Slavery are those who are now too successfully exerting themselves, both at home and abroad, to rivits its chains more firmly, simply by insisting that the task of its abatement and final abolition be left to the Colonial Administrations. But be assured, Sir, that no Colonial Government, of a character such as this at the Cape, will ever voluntarily abate or abolish Slavery.
3726
3727	They will, indeeded, issue pluasible Proclimations purposely devised to blind the British Public, and they will send out their parasites, regardless of truth or honesty, to trumpet forth the praises of their worthless and hypocritical enactments, but they will never cordially, nor bona fide, concur in any effective measures for accomplishing its abolition. And, indeed, considering what human nature is in general, what else can be expected in countries like this, where, not only the mass of the influential classes, but also all the civil authorities, from the Governor down to the meanest clerk (including every Judge upon the bench and every Magistrate and Secretary in office) are themselves slave-holders, slave-breeders, and slave-dealers, and have their feelings and judgement sinisterly affected, more or less, by the corrupting and hardening effects of this accursed system.
3728
3729	SCRUTATOR.
3730
3731	Cape Town, 4th October, 1823.
3732
3733
3734https://books.google.com/books?id=N7damlJZAkkC&pg=PA48&lpg=PA48
3735	In May 1823, Thomas Fowell Boxton, who had succeeded Wilberforce as parliamentary leader of the abolitionists, moved a resolution that argued "that the state of slavery is repugnant to the principles of the British Consitution and the Christian religion" and out to be abolished "with as much expedition as may be found consistent with a due regard to the well-being of the parties concerned." Speaking for the government, George Canning proposed a substitute resolution, declaring "the necessity of ameliorating the lot of the slave with a view to fitting him for his freedom at as early a date as was compatable with the welfare and safety of the colonies." The substitute motion carried, and the government was committed to a program of cautious reform. Taking advice from the Society of West India Planters and Merchants, which represented slave-owning interests, the government drew up a model slave code, intending to promulgate it by fiat in the Crown colonies and by persuasion in the legislative colonies. In doing so, the government hoped to offer the abolitionists enough to keep them quiet, while convincing the West Indian planters that reform was politically expedient.
3736
3737	At the Cape, Governor Somerset had already acted. He issued his amelioration proclomation in March 1823, two montsh before the parliamentary debate on Canning's resolution. Isobel Eirlys Edwards, the most thorough historian of this aspect of Somerset's policy, contended that he did so order to forestall stronger measures from the Colonial Officer. In the preamble to the proclamation, the governor expressed the hope that the law would tend to "civilize" the slaves and "ameliorate" their lot, insofar as was "consistent with the security of the state, and with due consideration to the rights and privileges of all."
3738
3739
3740
3741------
3742
3743https://books.google.com/books?id=uKItDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA117&lpg=PA117
3744	Somerset's proclamation of March 1823 has been much discussed by Cape historians, particularly because it played a role in the colony's most significant slave rebellion.
3745
3746
3747what happened there?
3748
3749
3750https://books.google.com/books?id=N7damlJZAkkC&pg=PA48&lpg=PA48&
3751	The ordinance caused an uproar. Slave owners had three things especially on their minds. First, they feared that a misunderstanding of the law's provisions might incite the slaves to rebellion. In 1824, a mistaken belief that Somerset's proclamation had somehow freed them had allegedly encouraged a group of slaves and Khoisan servants to stage a minor, but bloody, slave revolt in the Worcestor district. Second, slave owners found it outrageous that the law gate to "a third person"--that is the guardian of slaves--"without any right or reason, the odious power of interfering in the arrangement of private affairs." Third, the compulsory manumissions, the slaveholders believed, were an intolerable attenuation of their property rights.
3752
3753
3754https://books.google.com/books?id=N7damlJZAkkC&pg=PA50&lpg=PA50
3755	The order of the king in council of 2 February 1830 (known also as "the consolidated ordinance") superseded ordinance 19 in 1831. The most important changes reduced the number of lashes that could be applied legally to male slaves to fifteen and prohibited the whipping of female slaves altogether. The order required the slaveholders to keep record books of all punishments inflicted and to submit the books semi-anually to the renamed "protectors of slaves" for inspection. while the title of the officeholders changed from guardian to protector, their duties remained the same. The Consolidated Order sparked a second, stronger round of protests, producing a flood of petitions signed by perhaps one-quarter of the colony's sixty-four hundered slave owners, denouncing the revised law and especially the punishment record books. The protests culminated in a five-day slave owner's riot in the wine country village of Stellenbosch at the time that the books were first to be examined. In the event, the sections of the order mandating the keeping of the record books were never seriously enforced. A further revision of the slave law, effective in 1832, served principally to close loopholes in the Consolidated Order and was the occasion for further protests from the slaveholders outraged by constant tinkering with what they saw as fundamentally unjust laws.
3756
3757
3758
3759
3760------
3761
3762
3763https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Kroonstad/
3764	Webb was also responsible for a black camp, which grew up at the same time as the white camp, for the fate of black and white on the farms was closely tied. The black camp consisted of a number of separate ‘stads’ or ‘kraals’, spread over an area of two square miles and housing about 1,000 people. In the early months they were little supervised and, apparently, not rationed, since they possessed some grain and livestock. If health was bad in the Boer camp, it was worse in the black camp but the doctors were inclined to wash their hands of them ‘There is much illness and a considerable mortality amongst the native refugees’, one noted, ‘but I am of the opinion that it is useless to go and visit them and give advice (to which they pay no attention) and a bottle of medicine’. Instead, he recommended the erection of a ‘native’ hospital. Inspector Daller confirmed the high rate of disease and recommended that, though their site was an ‘excellent camping ground’, they should be concentrated and supervised, since their presence was likely to endanger the health of the town. Superintendent Webb, however, dismissed the claims of exceptional ill health. He had personally inspected, the camp, he declared, and was convinced that the statements were untrue.6
3765
3766	Despite Webb’s assertions, the reports of high mortality amongst the black refugees was almost certainly valid for it was unlikely, given their abysmal living conditions, that the blacks were healthier than the whites. In May 1901 General Knox wired the Deputy Administrator, Major Goold Adams, asking for the appointment of a superintendent of native refugees immediately, because of the numbers suffering from sickness and starvation. P.H. Gresson was appointed. He was forced to battle against sickness without a doctor until August 1901, when someone was finally put in place. He also found himself at odds with the military authorities, who repeatedly commandeered the men for labour. Without them he could not complete the huts which the men had been building for the women and children. The chief superintendent agreed that enough men should be left to do the basic camp work, including the digging of graves (a comment which surely indicates high mortality). The black camp at Kroonstad remained part of the Free State system until August 1901, when it was handed over to Major de Lotbinière. The Kroonstad camp was closed down and the inmates transferred to Honingspruit and Serfontein.7
3767
3768	We have very little information about life in the black camps, or their relationship with the white camps but, in the case of Kroonstad there are a few brief glimpses. The Molope family, who had been farming on the Vereeniging Estates, were in Kroonstad camp. There, several of the children died ‘of natural causes’.8 In July 1901, F. Hill wrote to the chief superintendent in Bloemfontein to the effect that his client, D.H. Botha of Kroonstad, had requested that some black families, then in the Bloemfontein black camp, be transferred to the Kroonstad camp. The families concerned had worked for Mr Botha, who had left them to care for his farm and stock when he had come into Kroonstad for protection against the Boer commandos. In February 1901, however, the military had sent them to Bloemfontein. There they were unable to put in claims for compensation for their own losses, nor was Botha able to do so either, since these ‘boys’ were his only witnesses. The Bloemfontein superintendent admitted that Manel and Malgas and their families were in his camp, but Jan had gone to the No 6 Transport Depot, leaving his family in Bloemfontein, while Adam was working for the South African Constabulary. In any case, there was no railway transport for such moves (although white camp inmates were moved at their own cost).9
3769
3770
3771British officers noted a lot of illness at the black camp at Kroonstad, but didn't give any medical aid. Superintendent Webb, who was responsible for the black camp, disagreed with an inspector's report that there was a high rate of illness there. General Knox called for a new superintendent for the black camp and he (Gresson) had to fight disease without a doctor until August 1901. Gresson clashed with the military authorities there, he wanted to finish huts for the women and children but they wanted to "commandeer" the inmates for labor. They eventually agreed some men should be left to do the camp work, including digging graves.
3772	
3773
3774------
3775
3776https://www.sahistory.org.za/dated-event/fawcett-commission-concentration-camps-south-africa
3777
3778https://archive.org/stream/ReportOnTheConcentrationCampsInSouthAfricaByTheCommitteeOfLadIes/Report_on_the_concentration_camps_in_Sou_djvu.txt
3779
3780
3781https://www.newhistorian.com/woman-exposed-british-concentration-camps/6602/
3782
3783https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10570310309374764
3784
3785
3786-------
3787
3788https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siege_of_Kimberley
3789	Cecil Rhodes, who had made his fortune in the town, and who controlled all the mining activities, moved into the town at the onset of the siege. His presence was controversial, as his involvement in the Jameson Raid made him one of the primary protagonists behind war breaking out. Rhodes was constantly at loggerheads with the military, but he was nonetheless instrumental in organising the defence of the town. The Boers shelled the town with their superior artillery in an attempt to force the garrison to capitulate. Engineers of the De Beers company manufactured a one-off gun named Long Cecil, however the Boers soon countered with a much larger siege gun that terrified the residents, forcing many to take shelter in the Kimberley Mine.
3790
3791
3792Rhodes was at Kimberley during the siege
3793
3794--------
3795
3796Cecil Rhodes and his crew were big in South Africa--how influential was he with the Boers?
3797
3798
3799https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/cecil-john-rhodes
3800	...It was also believed, by both Rhodes and his father, that the business opportunities offered in South Africa would be able to provide Rhodes with a more promising future than staying in England. At the tender age of 17 Rhodes arrived in Durban on 1 September 1870. He brought with him three thousand pounds that his aunt had lent him and used it to invest in diamond diggings in Kimberley.
3801
3802	...At 18, in October 1871, Rhodes left the Natal colony to follow his brother to the diamond fields of Kimberley. In Kimberley he supervised the working of his brother's claim and speculated on his behalf. Among his associates in the early days were John X Merriman and Charles D. Rudd, of the infamous Rudd Concession, who later became his partner in the De Beers Mining Company and the British South Africa Company.
3803
3804
3805Rhodes arrived in South Africa at 17 with money from his family and used to to invest in Kimberly diamond mine. He managed his brothers farm and helped with the diamond mine, and worked with John Merriman and Charles Rudd.
3806
3807
3808	An Arch Imperialist
3809
3810	One of Rhodes’ guiding principles throughout his life, that underpinned almost all of his actions, was his firm belief that the Englishman was the greatest human specimen in the world and that his rule would be a benefit to all. Rhodes was the ultimate imperialist, he believed, above all else, in the glory of the British Empire and the superiority of the Englishman and British Rule, and saw it as his God given task to expand the Empire, not only for the good of that Empire, but, as he believed, for the good of all peoples over whom she would rule. At the age of 24 he had already shared this vision with his fellows in a tiny shack in a mining town in Kimberley, when he told them,
3811
3812    	‘The object of which I intend to devote my life is the defence and extension of the British Empire. I think that object a worthy one because the British Empire stands for the protection of all the inhabitants of a country in life, liberty, property, fair play and happiness and it is the greatest platform the world has ever seen for these purposes and for human enjoyment’.
3813
3814    A few months later, in a confession written at Oxford in 1877, Rhodes articulated this same imperial vision, but with words that clearly showed his disdain for the people whom the British Empire should rule:
3815
3816    	"I contend that we are the first race in the world, and that the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race. Just fancy those parts that are at present inhabited by the most despicable specimen of human being, what an alteration there would be in them if they were brought under Anglo-Saxon influence...if there be a God, I think that what he would like me to do is paint as much of the map of Africa British Red as possible...”
3817
3818
3819https://archive.org/stream/lastwillandtest00steagoog/lastwillandtest00steagoog_djvu.txt
3820	The Last Will and Testament of Cecil John Rhodes
3821
3822	...And I believe, with all the enthusiasm bred in the soul of an inventor, it is not self-glorification I desire, but the wish to live to register my patent for the benefit of those who, I think, are the greatest people the world has ever seen, but whose fault is that they do not know their strength, their greatness, and their destiny, and who are wasting their time on their minor local matters, but being asleep do not know that through the invention of steam and electricity, and in view of their enormous increase, they must now be trained to view the world as a whole, and not only consider the social questions of the British Isles. Even a Labouchere who possesses no sentiment should be taught that the labour of England is dependent on the outside world, and that as far as I can see the outside world, if he does not look out, will boycott the results of English labour. They are calling the new country Rhodesia, that is from the Transvaal to the southern end of Tanganyika ; the other name is Zambesia. I find I am human and should like to be living after my death ; still, perhaps, if that name is coupled with the object of England everywhere, and united, the name may convey the discovery of an idea which ultimately led to the cessation of all wars and one language throughout the world, the patent being the gradual absorption of wealth and human minds of the higher order to the object.*
3823
3824	...* Mr. Sidney Low, formerly editor of the St, Jameses Gazette writing in the Nineteenth Century for May, 1902, thus summarises the cardinal doctrines which formed the staple of Mr. Rhodes's conversation with him : — " First, that insular England was quite insufficient to maintain, or even to protect, itself without the assistance of the Anglo-Saxon peoples beyond the seas of Europe. Secondly, that the first and greatest aim of British statesmanship should be to find new areas of settlement, and new markets for the products that would, in due course, be penalised in the territories and dependencies of all our rivals by discriminating tariffs. Thirdly, that the largest tracts of unoccupied or undeveloped lands remaining on the globe were in Africa, and therefore that the most strenuous efforts should be made to keep open a great part of that continent to British commerce and colonisation. Fourthly, that as the key to the African position lay in the various Anglo- Dutch States and provinces, it was imperative to convert the whole region into a united, self-governing federation, exempt from meddlesome interference by the home authorities, but loyal to the Empire, and welcoming British enterprise and progress. Fifthly, that the world was made for the service of man, and more particularly of civilised, white, European men, who were most capable of utilising the crude resources of Nature for the promotion of wealth and prosperity. And, finally, that the British Constitution was an absurd anachronism, and that it should be remodelled on the lines of the American Union, with federal self-governing Colonies as the constituent States.
3825
3826	...It would have been better for Europe if he had carried out his idea of Universal Monarchy ; he might have succeeded if he had hit on the idea of granting self-government to the component parts. Still, I will own tradition, race, and diverse languages acted against his dream ; all these do not exist as to the present English-speaking world, and apart from this union is the sacred duty of taking the responsibility of the still uncivilised parts of the world. The trial of these countries who have been found wanting — such as Portugal, Persia,, even Spain — and the judgment that they must depart, and, of course, the whole of the South American Republics. What a scope and what a horizon of work, at any rate, for the next two centuries, the best energies of the best people in the world ; perfectly feasible, but needing an organisation, for it is impossible for one human atom to complete anything, much less such an idea as this requiring the devotion of the best souls of the next 200 years. There are three essentials : — (i) The plan duly weighed and agreed to. (2) The first organisation. (3) The seizure of the wealth necessary.
3827
3828	...Here this political Will and Testament abruptly breaks off. It is rough, inchoate, almost as uncouth as one of Cromwell's speeches, but the central idea glows luminous throughout. Mr. Rhodes has never to my knowledge said a word, nor has he ever written a syllable, that justified the suggestion that he surrendered the aspirations which were expressed in this letter of 1 89 1. So far from this being the case, in the long discussions which took place between us in the last years of his life, he re-affirmed as emphatically as at first his unshaken conviction as to the dream— if you like to call it so — or vision, which had ever been the guiding star of his life.
3829
3830
3831https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/cecil-john-rhodes
3832	The Statesman
3833
3834	In 1880 Rhodes prepared to enter public life at the Cape. With the incorporation of Griqualand West into the Cape Colony in 1877 the area obtained six seats in the Cape House of Assembly. Rhodes chose the constituency of Barkley West, a rural constituency in which Boer voters predominated, and at age 29 was elected as its parliamentary representative. Barkley West remained faithful to Rhodes even after the Jameson Raid and he continued as its member until his death.
3835
3836	The chief preoccupation of the Cape Parliament when Rhodes became a member was the future of Basutoland, where the ministry of Sir Gordon Sprigg was trying to restore order after a rebellion in 1880. The ministry had precipitated the revolt by applying its policy of disarmament to the Basuto. Seeking expansion to the north and with prospects of building his great dream of a Cape to Cairo railway, Rhodes persuaded Britain to establish a protectorate over Bechuanaland (now Botswana) in 1884, eventually leading to Britain annexing this territory.
3837
3838	Rhodes seemed to have immense influence in Parliament despite the fact that he was acknowledged to be a poor speaker, with a thin, high pitched voice, with little aptitude for oration and a poor physical presence. What made Rhodes nonetheless so incredibly convincing to his contemporaries has remained much of a mystery to his biographers.
3839
3840
3841
3842
3843
3844https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johanna_Brandt
3845
3846
3847
3848https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/boer-war-begins-in-south-africa
3849
3850------
3851
3852
3853http://pdfproc.lib.msu.edu/?file=/DMC/African%20Journals/pdfs/Journal%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Zimbabwe/vol1n2/juz001002011.pdf
3854	There was a time a few years ago when the subject of the Jameson Raid seemed to be approaching exhaustion. A series of studies by South African historians had elaborated a strong case in favour of an overall Rhodes-Jameson plan for an uprising and a raid, to which support had been given by Joseph Chamberlain. 2 Other historians have tried to take the sting out of this charge against Chamberlain by insisting on a distinction between the uprising and the Raid. 3 At the same time there has been a similar process in respect of Rhodes. A standard biography was published* and some of the problems of the "Missing Telegrams" 5 and Stead's History 6 were cleared up; but the whole subject had begun to look more a matter of bibliographical rather than of historical research.
3855
3856	Yet even then, unanswered questions remained. The biography of Rhodes was in many ways too much a defence of a hero, and much of his strange character was left either unremarked or unexplained. In a review of Lockhart and Wood- house's biography, Ranger doubted whether this was "The Last Word on Rhodes"; and he rightly pointed to the less publicised aspects of his character and policies.
3857
3858
3859
3860http://pages.uoregon.edu/kimball/Rhodes-Confession.htm
3861
3862
3863https://ia800206.us.archive.org/17/items/lastwillandtest00steagoog/lastwillandtest00steagoog.pdf